フランスの大統領は労働法を抜本的に改革するという約束に基づいて行動している。 新しいリーダーの果敢な行動

The French president acts on his promise to overhaul jobs laws
Bold moves from the new leader
Aug 31st 2017 | PARIS


WHEN he launched his political movement last year, Emmanuel Macron said that he wanted to “unblock” France. Four months after he was elected president, his government on August 31st unveiled its first piece of legislation designed to do just that. It is a labour reform, consisting of 36 measures, which should help to loosen the labour code, encourage job creation and make it easier for firms to manage their headcount in France. “After decades of mass unemployment,” said Edouard Philippe, the prime minister, “nobody can seriously say that our labour law favours job creation.” The reforms, he said, would “make up for lost decades.” 


The changes are wide-reaching and impressive, and rest on a number of guiding principles. One is that industrial relations must be devolved to the level of the firm. Employers will get more freedom to negotiate working time and salaries within their firm, rather than having to stick to branch-level agreements. France’s rate of unionisation in the private sector is surprisingly low; but the role of unions is powerfully entrenched by a complex tangle of rules governing their representation in companies. 

industrial relations:労使[労働者と使用者の]関係
entrenched :強固な

Now, the various statutory works councils—the delegues du personnel, the comite d’entreprise and the comite d’hygiene, de securite et des conditions de travail—are to be merged into one, which will simplify union discussions. Small firms without union representatives will have greater freedom to negotiate agreements, if they can secure the backing of a majority of employees. 

works council:〈主に英〉労使協議会

Another underlying idea is to encourage firms to create more permanent staff, by minimising the uncertainty that hangs over redundancy plans in France. Under current law, cases for unfair dismissal can be brought against a company for up to two years after an employee has left a firm, and the awards made by labour tribunals in such cases vary hugely, making it difficult for small companies to plan their budgets.

redundancy plan:余剰人員の解雇
brought against:【人に対して/損害などに対して】〈訴訟など〉を起こす, 提起する 
 labour tribunal:労働裁判所

Mr Macron’s reform reduces the cut-off to one year and caps such awards to 20 months of salary for an employee with 30 years of service, thus greatly reducing the element of financial risk. (In return, the level of mandatory redundancy pay will be increased.) The rules governing the right to make redundancies for firms in economic difficulty will also be eased. 

A measure of how far all this touches some of the taboos about France’s eye-popping 3,500-page labour code was the reaction of certain union leaders. “All our worst fears have been confirmed,” declared Philippe Martinez, leader of the hard-line Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT). He had already called for a day of strikes on September 12th in protest. Even Laurent Berger, the leader of the more moderate Confederation Francaise Democratique du Travail (CFDT), who has been a mostly constructive voice, called some of its measures “disappointing”. He added, though, that he would not back the strikes. 


This is a crucial moment for Mr Macron. In many ways, he has managed this reform deftly so far. He spelt out during the election campaign what he wanted to do (and has been as good as his word), and said in advance that his reform would go through under an accelerated parliamentary procedure. His government has held some 100 meetings, involving 300 hours of talks, with unions over the past couple of months. So nobody can say that they have been taken by surprise. As a result, the new rules should be written into law by the end of September. That minimises the amount of time that unions and other opponents of the reforms now have to mobilise against them. 

spelt :明確に説明する

Still, over the summer Mr Macron’s approval ratings have slid precipitously. It will take time for the effects of the labour reform to feed into job creation. France’s unemployment rate is currently 9.8%—more than twice that in Germany—and has not dipped below 7% since 1983. Moreover, a worrying narrative is beginning to take hold in some quarters that the president, a former investment banker, is governing only for the bosses or the well-off. “Macron: president of the rich?” read the front cover of Liberation, a left-leaning newspaper, last week. The government’s challenge will be to make the case that greater freedom for employers is not just about making it easier for bosses to shed staff, but about encouraging them to create jobs in the first place. 

slid:slide 下がる
worrying narrative:気になること



swingby_blog at 21:46コメント(0) 


Donald Trumpの政府機関の一時閉鎖の脅迫はバージニアの州知事選挙への介入だ。 連邦政府を閉鎖する大統領の脅しはバージニアが政府に依存していることを教えている。

Donald Trump’s shutdown threat intrudes on Virginia’s governor race
The president’s threat to shutter the federal government is a reminder of Virginia's dependence on Washington, DC
Aug 30th 2017by J.S. | RICHMOND, VIRGINIA

Donald Trumpの政府機関の一時閉鎖の脅迫はバージニアの州知事選挙への介入だ。


AN ACCIDENT of geography—that Virginia is hard by Washington, DC, albeit separated by the Potomac River—means that the federal government is a huge economic engine for the state. More than one in four dollars flowing through the state’s economy is linked to direct and indirect spending by the capital. 

hard by:すぐ近くに

So when President Donald Trump suggested that he might favour a government shutdown next month to exact funding for his wall on the border with Mexico, Virginia politicians, particularly those running for governor this year, took notice. 

took notice:留意する

Their concern—in the aftermath of the violence in Charlottesville that looms over the campaign—is electoral as well as economic. They know only too well the consequences of the federal government going dark. 


There is little doubt that a federal shutdown would exacerbate voter hostility towards Mr Trump in a state that was comfortably carried last November by Hillary Clinton. And that would probably help the Democratic nominee for governor, Ralph Northam, who rarely misses an opportunity to link his Republican rival, Ed Gillespie, with the unpopular president. 

hostility :敵意・反抗心

Mr Gillespie tries not to speak about Mr Trump. To do so is perilous. The Republican nominee does not want to irritate voters loyal to the president. Nor does he want to raise the expectations of voters who would like to see him display show a modicum of independence from Mr Trump. But a shutdown would force him to explain why his party, now in control of the presidency and Congress, seems incapable of fulfilling on the most basic responsibility of government. 


Publicly, Mr Gillespie’s campaign expresses confidence that Mr Trump and Congress will do their job, sparing the government from closing on September 30th, the last day of the spending year, and idling vast swaths of the federal work force. That could include 136,000 civilian workers in Virginia, second only to California in federal employment. 


In 2013, when a Democratic White House and Republican Congress failed to agree on spending, the government closed for 16 days. Coming about a month before that year’s election for Virginia governor, the shutdown was an opportunity for the Democratic candidate, Terry McAuliffe, to play the guilt-by-association card against his Republican opponent, Ken Cuccinelli. 

guilt-by-association :関係者なので同罪である

Mr McAuliffe did so with little effort. Mr Cuccinelli’s image as a brittle conservative ideologue was complemented by the public perception that truculent Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were largely responsible for the shutdown, refusing overtures from the Obama administration to compromise. 


Though the botched rollout of the Affordable Care Act in late October would overshadow the shutdown and energise Republican voters, providing a late boost for Mr Cuccinelli, the governorship narrowly fell to Mr McAuliffe, who would spend most of his four-year term managing the fiscal aftershocks of the government shutdown. 


The shutdown triggered then—as it could now—automatic, across-the-board spending cuts, or sequestration. That drained $10bn from Virginia's economy and eliminated 22,000 jobs. Many were high-paying, information-technology positions with government contractors in the state’s population hubs, the Northern Virginia suburbs of Washington and Hampton Roads, a defence centre on the Atlantic coast. When employment plunged, so, too, did tax collections by the state. About $1.5bn in revenue evaporated, forcing Mr McAuliffe and Virginia’s Republican-controlled legislature to cut spending, even for such prized services as education. 

prized :貴重な

The protracted episode called attention to Virginia’s dependence on federal largess. When the state was heavily rural and firmly controlled by a debt-phobic, conservative Democratic oligarchy, it was an article of faith to decry as irresponsible the deficit-financing that has become routine in Washington, DC. 

article of faith:信仰箇条

But in suburban-dominated Virginia, federal beneficence fuelled the growth of the counties immediately flanking Washington: Arlington, Fairfax, Prince William and Loudoun. As they became bustling, traffic-clogged, brimming with non-natives, and multihued—and the seat of the state’s service industry-dominated economy—they also became a vast trove of reliable Democratic votes. Hampton Roads, too, is becoming important source of Democratic votes 


Even Northern Virginia’s few remaining Republican officeholders stoutly advocate for federal workers, openly challenging Mr Trump over his bureaucrat-bashing, including his short-lived freeze on government employment early in his term. Barbara Comstock, a Republican representative re-elected to a second term in 2016 despite the Clinton wave that swept the region, reflexively breaks with the president on government work force issues. 


Mr Trump’s threat of a shutdown—he says Democrats could get their pet projects in return for his—strikes many in both parties as theatre, with a stop-gap scheme likely to finance the government, if only temporarily. That, however, could underscore the urgency of the issue that Mr Northam and Mr Gillespie spending little time discussing: ways to diversify Virginia’s economy and lessen its reliance on Washington, DC. 


That has been a theme of Mr McAuliffe’s governorship, but it could take years to recalibrate the state’s economy. Virginia governors can only serve a single, non-renewable, four-year term, which means state government takes a new turn no sooner than it adjusts to an older one. It is easier to talk about diversification than actually do something about it. 


バージニアの知事選挙の内情を説明している。トランプが介入している。ウェストバージニア州のジャスティス知事は8月3日、トランプ大統領が当地で開いた集会の場で、民主党から共和党に移籍すると発表している。バージニア州はテリー・マコーリフ(Terry McAuliffe)が2014年から知事だ。バージニア州は政府の職員が数多く働いているので、政府機関の閉鎖の脅しは知事にとっては脅威だ。

火曜日。UiPath 株式会社 長谷川社長、大桑様、欒社長との会合がある。夜はソニー生命の嶋岡副社長との会食がある。ではまた明日。

swingby_blog at 21:31コメント(0) 


アフガニスタンの部族の緊張の原因 この国を苦しめている暴力はその多くは外国の影響力のせいだ。

The roots of Afghanistan’s tribal tensions
The violence that plagues the country owes much to foreign influences
Aug 31st 2017by A.V.


TODAY, August 31st, Afghan politicians and writers will gather to mark Baluch-Pushtun Unity Day, which celebrates the cultural bonds between the two ethnic groups. The day might not be entirely upbeat, though. At the same event last year one of the speakers warned that “common enemies” were victimising Baluchis and Pushtuns. Such language is routine in Afghanistan, a country frazzled by tribal divisions. But how did these tensions start, and how do they influence Afghan life today? 


Afghanistan has been ethnically diverse for millennia. Herodotus, an ancient Greek historian, wrote about the Pushtuns in the fifth century BC. Tajiks, the country’s second-largest group after Pushtuns, are ancient too. About 2.5m Uzbeks live along the northern mountains, and a similar number of Hazara live in the middle of the country, west of Kabul. Smaller clusters of Arabs and Punjabis, among others, also huddle among Afghanistan’s hills and valleys. All told, 14 recognised ethnic groups live in Afghanistan today. Each is honoured in the national anthem and protected by the constitution. 


Foreign influences have chiselled these communities into distinctive shapes. Religion is a prime example. Most Afghans are Sunni Muslims, but the Hazara people adopted Shiism from the Safavid Persians. Indian Sikhs also found converts in Afghanistan. Outsiders have moulded Afghan culture in more ostensibly practical ways, too. Persia contributed to its neighbour’s linguistic diversity: half of all Afghans now speak Dari, the local form of Persian. Many Afghan Tajiks, with links to cosmopolitan Iran, live in towns. 

ostensibly :表向きには

This is in jagged contrast to the rural Baluchis. These differences have also been sharpened by politics. Pushtun attempts to unify the country in the 19th century caused widespread resentment in other groups. At the same time, foreigners have widened tribal differences for their own gain. Shia Iran backed Hazara militias against the Soviets in the 1980s, whereas Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have helped the predominantly Pushtun Taliban. 


The results of this are clear today. Many Afghans clutch at their tribe rather than their country. These attitudes slide into political life. Regional politicians appeal to their own clan rather than to the national interest, and officials are often promoted on kinship instead of merit. None of this encourages good governance: ethnic disputes in parliament have ended in punch-ups. Similar problems taint society generally. Students bicker about whether signs at Herat University should be written in Dari or Pushtun. Radio stations fire up supporters with sectarian rhetoric. 


The country’s violence is also linked to these ethnic tensions. Some Pushtun troops are reluctant to fight their kinsmen in the Taliban, a group that other Afghans see as an extension of Pushtun supremacism. The government is not oblivious to these problems. Inciting ethnic hatred is now a crime, and new identity cards focus more on a shared national character. But even if they do not say it publicly, many Afghans remain suspicious of the “common enemies” inside their own country.




swingby_blog at 20:34コメント(0) 


オマーンはさしあたり、カタールの孤立によって利益を得ている。 近隣諸国がカタールを孤立化させようとしているので、オマーンは不可欠な物資を代わりに届けている。

Oman is benefiting from the standoff over Qatar, for now
As other neighbours seek to isolate Qatar, Oman lets vital supplies get through
Aug 30th 2017 | MUSCAT


THE Omani port of Sohar usually slows down during the summer. But this year it is buzzing. According to a government official, cargo volumes are up 30% in the past few months, as more ships arrive carrying goods bound for Qatar. Such is the level of traffic that the Qatari ambassador to Oman hails the sultanate’s ports as the new gateway to his country, supplanting the port of Jebel Ali in Dubai, which is part of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 


Oman sits at the entrance to the Persian Gulf, but beyond the Strait of Hormuz there is discord. On the western and southern shores lie Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which have cut diplomatic and commercial ties to Qatar, their neighbour, over its alleged support for extremists and ties to Iran. Oman has stayed out of the dispute. It is helping Qatar to bypass the siege and quietly benefiting from the crisis. 


Oman has often acted as a mediator of squabbles in the region. But early in the current crisis, the sultanate showed where its sympathies lie. When Qatar Airways, the national airline, was barred from Saudi airspace in June, Omani aeroplanes (rented by Qatar) ferried stranded passengers from Jeddah to Doha. Since then, ties between the sheikhdoms have strengthened. Nearly 150 Qatari investors showed up for a recent event in Muscat to promote investment in Oman. Only 20 were expected. “A lot of deals were inked,” says an Omani businessman. 


“We benefit [from the standoff], but we don’t want to be seen to benefit,” says an Omani official, wary of irritating Saudi Arabia. Oman has a well-earned reputation for pushing back against Saudi dominance in the Gulf. Its ageing ruler, Sultan Qaboos, has stymied big regional initiatives, including efforts to create a single currency. Like Qatar, Oman also has good ties with Iran. So it sees a cautionary tale in the crisis. If Qatar can be punished for its independent outlook, who is to say Oman won’t be next? 

cautionary tale:訓話

Oman’s response has been quietly to reduce its reliance on its closest neighbours. As well as enhancing its ties with Qatar, it has forged new trade links with Iran. A $3.6bn loan from China, signed in early August, helped Oman to fund government spending for the year. In the past, the sultanate turned to Saudi Arabia or the UAE for cash. China is also investing heavily in the port and industrial zone of Duqm, which an analyst describes as “like a Chinese economic city”. 

turn to:目を向ける

The bullying of Qatar has set the whole region on edge. Mediation efforts by America, Germany and Kuwait have failed to resolve the dispute. Qatar’s decision on August 23rd to reestablish full diplomatic ties with Iran seems to indicate a hardening of its position. For now Oman benefits. But if the feuding continues to undermine the stability of the one part of the Middle East that has been largely free of turmoil, that won’t be good for anyone. 




swingby_blog at 20:59コメント(0) 

出稼ぎ労働者たちはなぜメキシコに留まっているのか。 アメリカが就労証明書を持っていない出稼ぎ労働者を取り締まっているので、メキシコでは亡命申請書が急上昇している。

Why migrants are staying in Mexico
As America cracks down on undocumented migrants, Mexico sees an uptick in asylum applications
Aug 2nd 2017by A.B. | MEXICO CITY


FOR years migrants have left Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras—Central America’s so-called “Northern Triangle”—to pursue their dreams in the United States. Having fled civil wars between the 1970s and 1990s, they now flee poverty and gang-related violence. Over 3m Central Americans are reckoned to live in America. But this year the flow of migrants out of the Northern Triangle and into the United States has slowed. Some have postponed or even cancelled their odysseys. Others are staying put in Mexico. Why? 

fled:free 逃れる

In the 1970s the Mexican government, worried about jobs, education and health care, introduced laws that restricted entrance to “useful” migrants. Between 1974 and 2008 it was a criminal offence to enter or stay in Mexico without authorisation. The country is more open now, but Central Americans have tended to ignore its potential as a place to make a new home, and headed farther north. In October 2016 more than 66,000 migrants were apprehended at America’s southern border, around half of them Central American. By April that figure had dropped to 16,000. 

criminal offence:犯罪行為

At the same time the number of undocumented migrants caught by Mexico’s immigration police was also dropping. Meanwhile, the number of asylum-seekers in Mexico rose from 9,000 in 2016 to 7,000 in the first half of 2017 alone. Under Mexican law asylum is granted to those persecuted on the grounds of race, religion, nationality, gender, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion. The definition of social group can be quite flexible, so being part of a family that has been threatened by a gang could be the basis for a claim. Last year 63% of applicants were granted asylum, up from 40% in 2014. 

grounds of race:人種を理由として

The changes in migrant flows were inspired by the election of Donald Trump and the accompanying shift in America’s approach to migration. On the campaign trail Mr Trump spoke of deporting the 11m undocumented migrants believed to live in the United States. He may have softened that stance somewhat since taking office, but he has placed temporary limitations on America’s refugee programme and has continued to promote the building of a border wall. Such steps do not go unnoticed by would-be migrants, and Mexico’s appeal has increased as a result. It has other, older attractions to asylum-seekers too: it is closer to the Northern Triangle than is the United States, it is culturally and linguistically more familiar and it processes asylum claims faster. 


But Mexico is no migrant paradise. The government needs to work out how to deal with and respect the rights of the burgeoning number of new arrivals. The violence suffered by undocumented migrants in the country, described as “chronic” in a recent report by the Washington Office on Latin America, an NGO, shows no signs of letting up, despite the establishment of a dedicated unit to investigate such crimes. More money is needed for counselling, shelters, staff training and for COMAR, the commission responsible for the welfare of asylum-seekers. And Mexico needs to show this largesse while retaining focus on the longer-term goal: economic development. Violence and poverty in the region are intimately linked with migration. Strengthening local economies would reduce the human flow too. 

letting up:和らぐ

アメリカがメキシコからの不法移民の取締を強化しているので、Guatemala, El Salvador and Hondurasからの難民がメキシコで亡命申請をしている。彼らはメキシコにとどまるつもりはないようだが、そうした人たちが増加している。メキシコはこの亡命申請に寛容だ。彼らが亡命してくるのは国が貧しいからだ。そうした問題を根源から是正していくことをしないとこうした問題はいつまでも解決しない。


swingby_blog at 07:47コメント(0) 



Enrico San Juan, my friend wrote.
July 27, 2017


The war on drugs is very much on the table in the present administration’s future goals just like in the first State of the Nation Address (SONA) of President Rody Duterte. Like what PRRD has been emphasizing, that the illegal drug flourished during the past administrations and international drug trafficking is very much active due to the advance technology via the internet. 

Given the fast electronic money transfer, undetected, and using various ways of transporting illegal drugs across borders and continents, winning the war against this menace is farfetched. More cooperation from other countries near and far, using the latest technology on how to catch the drug traffickers are very much needed. New out of the box strategies and policy should be the immediate agenda of our national security to preempt other nations agenda of like 'Greek bearing gifts' and a perceived involvement in indirect 'state sponsored' narco operation. 


After the self-imposed deadline of the Philippine National Police to end the drug problem in December 2016, the current leadership told the nation that the drug problem is so enormous and that they needed more time and resources. But the hanging question remains, mostly from the netizens (and ordinary people sans the internet), where are the ‘big fish’ and the so-called Chinese drug lords? Who are the importers of billions of Shabu that even passes the customs Greenlane caught unnoticed? It’s always the petty drug users and pushers ‘in slippers’ that are caught and presented in the media (if they are still alive). 

in slippers:室内履きを履いて

From “Meth gangs of China play star role in Philippines drug crisis” by John Chalmers published @reuters : The arrest of Hong, who has pleaded not guilty, added to the ranks of Chinese nationals seized in the Philippines on narcotics charges. Of 77 foreign nationals arrested for meth-related drug offenses between January 2015 and mid-August 2016, nearly two-thirds were mainland Chinese and almost a quarter were Taiwanese or Hong Kong residents, according to the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA). 

Meth:methamphetamine メタンフェタミン〘覚醒剤の一種〙

Remember Lim Seng, the mainland Chinese chemist for opium operation branded by Marcos as drug lord whose real boss was Siochi, a Binondo based drug lord and money launderer, friends of top level people during FM time as per record of CANU( Constabulary Anti-Narcotics Unit). The pattern of operation was just modified but the 'signature' is still there. Known in the trade as “cooks” and “chemists,” meth production experts are flown into the Philippines from Greater China by drug syndicates to work at labs like the one caught at Mount Arayat. Thanks to foreign agents. 


China isn’t only a source of meth expertise – it is also the biggest source of the meth and of the precursor chemicals used to produce the synthetic drug that are being smuggled into the Philippines, especially via Sulu and other parts of the country, according to local drug enforcement officials. “It’s safe to say that the majority of the meth we have comes from China,” said PDEA spokesman Derrick Carreon. 

China’s dominant role in the Philippine meth trade has not dissuaded President Duterte from cozying up to Beijing, even as he declares drugs to be his country’s greatest scourge. Duterte is waging a brutal anti-narcotics campaign that has killed more than 2,000 people and led to the arrest of more than 38,000. Police are investigating some 3,000 more deaths.” And yet President Duterte announced the intention of China to help in the war against drugs. Duh? 

dissuaded:〖〜 A from B/doing〗Aを説得してB[…すること]を思いとどまらせる

Comes the Chinese-sponsored One Belt One Road initiative. Could this be another soft power op to take the world for a ride? Just asking. But what is in stake for the nations in the OBOR? “China’s planned pan-Asia railway network, reaching from Kunming in the north to Singapore in the south, is a signature project in Beijing’s One Belt One Road (Obor) initiative. 

in stake:利害関係

The economic benefits, if the 3,900 km network connecting all mainland Southeast Asian states with the Middle Kingdom goes forth as planned, could be enormous. There may also be troublesome aspects to countenance too, however: namely an increase in cross-border drug trafficking. 


Infrastructure upgrades facilitate the exchange of people, goods, and culture. Yet they can also empower criminals seeking easier and speedier access to new destinations. Transporting illicit drugs via high-speed rail is nothing new. The Taiwan High Speed Rail line that runs the length of the island’s west coast is an established pipeline for drug runners. In China, arrests of drug traffickers on its high-speed rail system are not uncommon. 

One of the latest and most curious cases involved a Chinese smuggler returning from Myanmar with a batch of hollowed-out dragon fruits containing 1,031.28 grams of methamphetamine tablets. The planned network is currently only moving ahead on the central sections connecting Kunming, Laos, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore, with regional geopolitics stalling the eastern and western routes. Given its reach, this line is the most crucial, however. 


The country that stands to benefit most is the landlocked, impoverished nation of Laos. An upland nation of 6.5 million people, currently, it has a very meager railway. With the central line in place, its leaders hope to make it a land-linked regional transit center. Construction officially commenced in December 2016 for the Laotian portion of the line. Running from the China-Laos border to the capital, Vientiane, the route’s total length is 414 km, with bridges and tunnels comprising 62% of a line that traverses rough mountainous terrain. 


International narcotics intelligence believe that High-speed rail suits individual drug runners perfectly, with passengers typically allowed 40 kg of luggage per person. At present, traveling from northern Laos to Bangkok takes close to 30 hours by automobile, and even longer during the rainy season. The Luang Namtha to Vientiane drive can be exceptionally draining due to the terrain. But with high-speed rail, a run from northern Laos to Bangkok will easily be reduced to a comfortable five to seven hours. 


Laos is the focus here because it is the starting point of the Southeast Asian drug trade. The recent arrests of prominent Laotian drug lords confirmed the rising status of Laotian nationals as leader players in the regional trafficking web. 


Alarmingly, the distribution network of Laotian drug lord Xaysana Keopimpha, mapped by the Thai Narcotic Suppression Bureau, followed almost the exact route of the central line. Drugs purchased from jungle depots near Laos’ border with Myanmar were then transported down to Vientiane before crossing into northeastern Thailand, Bangkok, and onward to the entire region. (Source: Is China’s pan-Asia rail network a drug smuggler’s dream? By By Zi Yang, 6/23/17 @atimes) 


Is this the prize we have to pay to be linked in the rail system that will bring about more drugs and more deaths? In the end, who benefits? 

Unsolicited advice to President Duterte is to catch and jail the big fishes, the main source of drugs. Dont be blackmailed by some people pretending to be your friends. Rumor mill especially in the diplomatic circle is full of innuendos as to who are the brains not only of the drug trade but basically all illegal trade interconnecting with top honchos in the government service. If not addressed immediately, there will always be a repeat of history on how leaders fall and there will be no end in sight against his war on drugs and could even backfire when the family of aggrieved lowly users-pushers will file a class suit in the near future... 


私の友人のEnrico San Juanからのメールだが、ドゥテルテ大統領がいまミンダナオで麻薬撲滅の戦いをしているだが、一向に、その戦いが終わらない。華僑がその犯人で、麻薬組織はこの東南アジア全域に広がっている。中国の一帯一路もその片棒を担いでいる。フィリピンだけの問題ではない。先進国の協力がなければ解決できない。


swingby_blog at 21:01コメント(0) 
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