2017年05月29日

中国は北朝鮮問題の回答なのか?(3)

Beijing's Bottom Line
That the United States has once again turned to China to solve its North Korean problem speaks to its lack of viable alternatives. But Beijing's choices for dealing with the pariah state are no less constrained. For decades, China has based its North Korea policy on several, often contradictory, goals: to ensure the existence of a pliable and stable buffer state on its doorstep; to keep the United States from expanding its security role in Northeast Asia; and to block the re-emergence of a unified peninsula. 

Bottom Line:容認できるギリギリの線
viable:実現可能な
pariah:嫌われ者
no less:たしかに
constrained:制約される
pliable:柔軟な

So, China's historical tolerance toward Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions is hardly surprising. From Beijing's perspective, the controversial program has been a necessary means of safeguarding the North Korean government's grip on power and preventing a security vacuum that might invite U.S. interference. But as the prospect of a nuclear North Korea has shifted from a distant possibility to an impending threat, China has had to come to terms with a number of new and uncomfortable realities. South Korea, Japan and possibly Taiwan are eager to build a regional ballistic missile defense system led by the United States, perhaps even someday seeking nuclear weapons programs of their own. Meanwhile, as China has found itself less able to restrain the recalcitrant government in Pyongyang, the threat of military conflict on its border — or negotiations with Washington that exclude Beijing — has grown. 

security vacuum:治安の不在
impending:差し迫った
terms:諦めて受け入れる
recalcitrant:反抗的な

There is always the risk that exacerbating North Korea's economic problems would push Pyongyang away from its only ally — Beijing — and toward tactics of last resort. 

Faced with its own constraints and challenges, China will have to decide whether its long-standing strategy on North Korea is sustainable, and whether it is willing to accept another nuclear power in its backyard. Beijing is not without options; it could throw its full weight behind either Washington or Pyongyang, or do neither and preserve the status quo. But each path is riddled with potential pitfalls, and the time to choose one of them is running out. 

riddled:で一杯で

The Least-Bad Option
Finding a diplomatic solution to the North Korean problem continues to be China's best bet. Under ideal circumstances, Pyongyang would agree to suspend its nuclear program and join Beijing in bilateral or multilateral negotiations. China hasn't given up on this outcome just yet: It has repeatedly called for the resumption of stalled peace talks. But with North Korea showing no interest in trading away its nuclear program, and the United States refusing to engage in negotiations without it, the likelihood of Beijing striking its grand bargain is low at this point. 

Least-Bad:一番まともな選択肢
best bet:最善の策
resumption:再開
grand bargain:重要な取引

Other avenues toward North Korean denuclearization would present even greater perils than those China currently faces. Intense debates are underway within Chinese policy circles to determine Beijing's choices for addressing Pyongyang's nuclear program, giving rise to proposals from offering North Korea a security guarantee to supporting a decapitation strike against the government of Kim Jong Un. The former, a substantial reversal of Beijing's long-held policy of non-interference abroad, would not sway Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear project, while the latter would scarcely appeal to Beijing. Because ultimately, there is no guarantee that removing the obstinate leader would yield better results than simply leaving him in office, or that the United States would not seize the opportunity to extend its reach in China's neighborhood. 

rise:引き起こす
decapitation:首を切り落とす
sway:揺さぶる
obstinate:頑固な

北朝鮮をなんとかしようとするアメリカは、中国を動かそうとしているのだが、中国としてはそう多くのオプションをもっているわけではない。今までの中国の政策に反して、北朝鮮の安全保障を提示するか、北朝鮮を崩壊させるかしかない。後者は取りそうにないとすれば、前者になるだろう。

中国は、北朝鮮が核を持つことにはいい思いはしないので、何らかのアクションをせざるを得ないだろう。この文章では北朝鮮に対して安全保障するという案だが、具体的にどういうことだろうか。核開発をやめさせなければ米中も不安だ。ということは今のままの金正恩の体制を望んでいない。中国は金正恩の亡命を保証するということなのだろうか。

火曜日。午後、揚原さん会社訪問。ではまた明日。

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2017年05月28日

中国は北朝鮮問題の回答なのか?(2)

Same Goal, Different Motives
It isn't clear precisely what actions the United States will take against North Korea (whether unilaterally or through the United Nations), or by extension, what it will demand China do. That said, those demands will likely fall into two broad categories: stricter enforcement of U.N. Security Council trade resolutions, and the prevention of cross-border financial transactions and illegal arms smuggling. 

extension:更に言うと

No doubt, neither strategy will be easy to execute. For one, the U.N. resolutions banning imports of North Korean coal, copper, iron ore and fuel supplies make exceptions for "humanitarian purposes." Pyongyang has made liberal use of this loophole to skirt the sanctions and continue sending its commodities to countries such as Russia. For another, slapping secondary sanctions on China to ensure better compliance with sanctions regimes will likely have a minimal effect on the Chinese companies doing business with their North Korean counterparts, since they have little exposure to the U.S. financial system. The move, moreover, could risk backlash from Beijing if major Chinese banks are caught up in the sanctions net.

skirt:避けて通る
slapping:を課す
compliance :従うこと
caught up in the sanctions net:制裁の網に捕まってしまう。

China is North Korea's primary source of economic support, which means its participation in any sanctions against Pyongyang is critical to their success. Washington has long seen Beijing's lax enforcement of sanctions and exploitation of loopholes in previous sanctions regimes, as well as the access many Chinese banks and businesses maintain across the border, as acts of complicity in North Korean misdeeds.
maize:とうもろこし

China is North Korea's primary source of economic support, which means its participation in any sanctions against Pyongyang is critical to their success. Washington has long seen Beijing's lax enforcement of sanctions and exploitation of loopholes in previous sanctions regimes, as well as the access many Chinese banks and businesses maintain across the border, as acts of complicity in North Korean misdeeds.

complicity:共謀
misdeeds:不正行為

Given its desire to avoid antagonizing the United States, China may well be willing to more closely enforce existing sanctions — and comply with new ones — anyway. Yet even then, Beijing will only cooperate to the extent that it does not jeopardize the North Korean economy's survival in the process. China would almost certainly view a complete cutoff in Pyongyang's access to oil, food or international aid as a bridge too far, and a measure that would fly in the face of Beijing's own imperative to maintain stable buffer states on its borders. This need explains why, despite China's rising frustration with North Korea over the past few years, trade between the two has continued. (Even under the recent ban on coal imports, Beijing's purchases of North Korean iron and other minerals have climbed sharply to compensate for the cutbacks.) 

antagonizing:敵に回す
comply:要求に応じる
jeopardize:を危険にさらす
too far:到底しない
face:無視して行動する
imperative:責務
compensate:埋め合わせをする
cutbacks:縮小

One of the greatest challenges to adding sanctions against North Korea, then, will be the difference in Washington and Beijing's estimates of just how much pressure China can apply before North Korea collapses or lashes out. Of course, this also gives rise to a bigger question: Given the North Korean government's resilience, would new sanctions even be enough to persuade Pyongyang to set aside its nuclear program? Decades of sanctions have hiked up the costs of developing its arsenal, to be sure, but they haven't managed to halt or even slow its progress. There is also always the risk that exacerbating North Korea's economic problems would push Pyongyang away from its only ally — Beijing — and toward tactics of last resort. 

lashes:痛烈に非難する・襲いかかる
resilience:ショックからの回復力
hiked:引き上げる

アメリカは中国をけしかけて北朝鮮に対して制裁をかけさせる方法はなかなかうまくいかない。中国政府はそこまでの制裁はかけないだろうし、生活必需品ということで、制裁品目を絞れない。また、輸出の規制をすり抜けてしまうこともある。また、北朝鮮に制裁をかけても彼らに対して効果がどれほどあるのかははっきりしない。かえって、更に北朝鮮と中国の関係を悪化させてしまうかもしれない。

どうも制裁をかけるということは難しいかもしれない。日本から北朝鮮系の人たちがパチンコ経営の売上を北朝鮮に送金しているがそうした金も馬鹿にならないだろう。そうしたことをやめさせることはほとんど不可能だ。そうなると手段は限られてくる。いよいよ、対応が厳しいものになってきそうだ。

月曜日。今日は弁護士の先生との面談がある。ではまた明日。

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2017年05月27日

中国は北朝鮮問題の回答なのか?

Is China the Solution to the North Korean Problem?
Apr 25, 2017  Stratfor

中国は北朝鮮問題の回答なのか?

As diplomacy breaks down on the Korean Peninsula, all eyes are fixed on a pair of events that stand to either worsen or ease the tension mounting between the United States and North Korea. On April 25, North Korea celebrated the 85th anniversary of its military's establishment, an occasion that has been accompanied by missile tests in the past and that now comes as expectations of a sixth nuclear test by Pyongyang rise. Then, three days after the North Korean military's birthday, the U.N. Security Council will convene to discuss the country's persistent march toward a demonstrable long-range nuclear weapons capability. And as the threat emanating from North Korea grows, Washington will be more and more likely to use the summit to call for heavier sanctions against its belligerent adversary. 

rise:怒りの反応
convene:招集する
emanating:生じる

Based on the completed review of Washington's North Korea policy, the U.S. administration has no plan to respond to Pyongyang's next nuclear test with military might. But U.S. President Donald Trump has taken every opportunity to show that he still considers all options — including a military strike — to be on the table. 

might:軍事力

This won't, however, do much to change North Korea's own calculations. Pyongyang no longer sees its nuclear weapons program as a chip to be bargained away for economic and security concessions from Washington. Instead, developing a credible nuclear deterrent has become a matter of national security, and a crucial one at that. North Korea will forge ahead with its nuclear program undeterred, bringing it one step closer to its final stage — and bringing the country closer to a clash with regional powers intent on stopping it. 

forge:ピッチを上げる
undeterred:阻止されていない

In this, at least, the United States and China have found a common goal. But as the two embattled administrations have discovered, the mutual need to rein in North Korea can be as much a divisive force as a uniting one. 

embattled :多くの問題をかかけた
divisive:対立を生む

Sanction, or Be Sanctioned
The United States has both dangled carrots and brandished sticks in trying to secure China's cooperation on North Korea. On one hand, Washington has begun to soften its tone on trade issues causing contention with Beijing in an apparent show of goodwill. On the other, the White House hasn't been shy about issuing a clear ultimatum: Work with us to press North Korea into abandoning its nuclear program or suffer the consequences when we act alone. (This would likely take the form of secondary sanctions against China or a buildup of missile defenses in the region, each of which would create headaches in Beijing.) Washington's message hasn't fallen on deaf ears; China has already taken clear steps to cut down on cross-border trade, particularly in coal, and limit financial transactions with its unruly neighbor. Beijing has vowed to ensure that oil supplies flowing into North Korea will dry up if Pyongyang conducts another nuclear test. 

dangled:ぶらさがる
brandished:振り回す
contention :論争・勝てる見込み
ultimatum:最後通牒
suffer:に直面する
on deaf ears:聞き流す
unruly:手に負えない

Despite their seeming alignment, though, the United States and China have widely diverging objectives on the Korean Peninsula. By putting pressure on Pyongyang, Beijing is seeking to preempt a unilateral intervention by Washington, boost the remote prospects of Chinese-led negotiations and hedge against future trade friction with the United States — but not to sever North Korea's economic lifelines. Washington, however, has made it clear that dialogue with Pyongyang will arise only if its purpose is to dismantle the North's nuclear program. To that end, the United States relies on China's economic leverage against North Korea as a primary means of altering Pyongyang's behavior. 

alignment:協力
diverging:分裂する
preempt:先手を打つ
boost:増大させる
remote prospects:僅かな可能性
hedge:損失を防ぐ策を取る
friction:摩擦
sever:切断する

Washington's decision to enlist Beijing against its neighbor and ally makes a good deal of sense. After all, China is North Korea's primary source of economic support, which means its participation in any sanctions against Pyongyang is critical to their success. Washington has long seen Beijing's lax enforcement of sanctions and exploitation of loopholes in previous sanctions regimes, as well as the access many Chinese banks and businesses maintain across the border, as acts of complicity in North Korean misdeeds. 

enlist:協力を求める
good deal of sense:かなりうなずける
lax:手を抜いた
complicity:共謀
misdeeds:不正行為

アメリカは北朝鮮を懐柔するために、中国に依存しようとしている。今まで、中国は北朝鮮にはきちんとした制裁をしたことはない。アメリカは中国が北朝鮮に対して制裁をしないのであれば、自分だけで動くと脅している。中国との交渉にもいい条件を提示している。一方、中国もアメリカに対応して、それなりの制裁を加えている。

こうした米中の交渉がこの秋に向けてどう具体的に動いていくのかは予想できない。かと言って、トランプは一年は待たないだろう。核の攻撃は相当の被害を出してしまうので、中国は金正恩に対して身の安全を保証して、政権を交代させるのではないだろうか。

日曜日。今日は本書きだ。ではまた明日。

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ドナルド・トランプの最初の100日 大統領はアメリカを分割し統治しようとしてきた。

Donald Trump’s first 100 days
The president has sought to divide and conquer America
Apr 28th 2017by THE DATA TEAM

ドナルド・トランプの最初の100日
大統領はアメリカを分割し統治しようとしてきた。


ON April 29th Donald Trump, America’s president, will mark his 100th day occupying the highest office in the land. This period is seen as a high-water mark for presidential power: the time in which presidents enjoy both popularity and momentum from campaigning to set the agenda for the next four years and to push through legislation in Congress. 

high-water mark:絶頂期

Measuring the performance of presidents is often tricky. But before he was elected Mr Trump helpfully issued a “100-day action plan to make America great again”. These 18 actions and ten congressional bills spelt out Mr Trump’s priorities for his presidency. They included construction of a wall on the Mexican border; suspending illegal immigration from “terror-prone countries”; and labelling China a currency manipulator. 

tricky:微妙な
prone:傾向がある

By this yardstick, progress has been slow. Although Mr Trump has now issued more than 30 executive orders, ten more than Barack Obama over the same period (see left-hand chart), efforts have not begun on 12 of the issues in his action plan. His presidency-defining health-care legislation and immigration bans have so far been thwarted by Congress and the judiciary, respectively. 

yardstick:測定基準
defining:定義する・明確にする
thwarted:阻止する

That has left Mr Trump frustrated, but it might not deter his supporters. A poll conducted by YouGov for The Economist on April 22nd asked 1,500 Americans whether their president had exceeded their expectations or not. Of those who identified as Republican or Democrat, 30% thought that Mr Trump had met their expectations. Yet the remainder were sharply divided: 41% of Democrats thought the president had performed “much worse” than expected; 28% of Republicans thought he had performed “much better”. 

deter:ためらわせる

These sentiments are reflected in Mr Trump’s approval ratings, which are the lowest of any post-war president. But the country is divided by party loyalties: 88% of Republicans approve of the president, while 82% of Democrats disapprove. Mr Obama, by contrast, was far less divisive. Mr Trump was a polarising figure on the campaign trail; he is no different in office. 

divisive:対立を生む

トランプの100日は共和党の支持が88%もある。民主党からは82%が不支持になっている。今までは何らの成果も出ていないが、期待されている。かれのmake America great againが受けている。ビジョンは素晴らしい。establishmentから大衆へ富を分けようというメッセージが国民に受けている。目標が大きいのでそう簡単には成果は出ない。ただ、アクションプランがまずい。政治を知らないからだろう。国民の受けは良いが、彼のアクションは実現できないものも多い。

土曜日。今日は海野塾がある。ではまた明日。

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2017年05月25日

小型の飛ぶ「車」がもうじき現実になる。 ドイツの企業がテストを完了した。ウーバーが2020年までに試作車を約束した。

Small flying “cars” come a bit closer to reality
A German firm completes a test, and Uber promises a prototype by 2020
Apr 26th 2017

小型の飛ぶ「車」がもうじき現実になる。
ドイツの企業がテストを完了した。ウーバーが2020年までに試作車を約束した。



“YOU may smile, but it will come,” said Henry Ford in 1940, predicting the arrival of a machine that was part-automobile and part-aeroplane. For decades flying cars have obsessed technologists but eluded their mastery. Finally there is reason to believe. Several firms have offered hope that flying people in small pods for short trips might become a reality in the next decade. These are not cars, as most are not fit to drive on land, but rather small vehicles, which can rise and land vertically, like quiet helicopters. 

obsessed:取り憑かれている
eluded:人の手に入らない
mastery:熟練・支配
pods :宇宙船の小型船

A prototype of a small electric plane capable of flying up to 300 kilometres per hour, made by Lilium, a German startup, completed a successful test over Bavaria on April 20th. Lilium is starting work on a five-seat vehicle and hopes to offer a ride-hailing service. Another German firm, e-volo, has been testing a flying vehicle for several years. It recently showed off the second version of its electric Volocopter (pictured), which could be certified for flight as soon as next year. 

ride-hailing:配車

There are at least a dozen firms experimenting with making small flying vehicles in different guises, including Airbus, an aerospace giant, in partnership with Italdesign Giugiaro, a division of Volkswagen, a carmaker. Many plan to have a certified pilot in command at the beginning and then move on to an autonomous set-up when regulations allow. Motorcycle-type vehicles, which you sit astride, are also in the works. 

guises:外見
autonomous set-up:自動設定
astride:またがって

No matter which manufacturer is quickest to gain velocity, Uber, a ride-hailing firm, aims to be at the centre of things. On April 25th it held an event in Dallas to announce its plan to offer a service where people can hail an electric “vertical takeoff and landing” vehicle and ride it quickly to destinations that would otherwise take hours in heavy traffic. Uber does not want to build these aircraft or landing pads itself, just as it does not own its own cars. Instead, it plans to collaborate with other companies. But Jeff Holden, Uber’s chief product officer, does not exclude the possibility that the firm may at the outset own some aircraft, which he estimates will cost around $1m each. 

velocity:速度
outset:最初に

The firm plans to have a prototype of its service ready by 2020. It will launch it first in Dallas and in Dubai, both cities where the authorities have deep aviation expertise and where people commute long distances. The firm rather optimistically promises that the cost per aerial mile for passengers will be roughly that of its low-cost car service, UberX. 

authorities:関係機関

There is plenty for manufacturers and services like Uber to overcome beyond gravity. For battery-powered models, range is limited and the charging rate remains slow. Manufacturers will need to ensure that vehicles can take off and land quietly, if this new form of transport is to stand a chance in cities. How to oversee and license the new aircraft, which are subject to much tougher rules than cars, will be a subject of intense debate among rule-makers, who tend to move slowly and are just getting to grips with drones. Drivers of flying vehicles are also likely to require a pilot’s licence, albeit perhaps a simplified “sports” licence. The journey ahead will be a long one. 

grips:真剣に取り組む

空飛ぶタクシーが2020年に出現する。ダラスとドバイからのようだ。料金はタクシーと同じに設定するようだ。一台が百万ドルだからそう高くはない。ただ、規制とか免許とか数多くの壁があるだろう。それが実現できれば、車の渋滞が解消できることになる。あと2,3年以内ということだ。

実現すれば東京でもビルの屋上に発着できるようになる。しかも距離を基準にしてタクシーと同じ料金で運べるのであれば、革命的だ。5人乗りだとすれば相当の需要が見込める。日本の場合には規制が多すぎて、当分は無理だろう。アメリカは実施しそうだ。

金曜日。そろそろ本の出版だ。ではまた明日。

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2017年05月24日

歴史のドラマ 「約束」アルメニアの大虐殺の毅然とした描写

Historical drama
“The Promise”: an unflinching depiction of the Armenian genocide
Apr 26th 2017by N.E.G.

歴史のドラマ
「約束」アルメニアの大虐殺の毅然とした描写



THE road that an idea takes from the screenwriter’s mind to your local multiplex is besieged by obstacles political, financial and practical in nature. The average blockbuster has to contend with budget fights and studio meddling; a film like “The Promise” is even trickier to bring to the screen. A sweeping historical drama about a national tragedy, it is the sort of movie that Hollywood used to love. But for more than a century, writers and studios have turned their faces away from the story. In many ways, the film succeeds simply by exploring an event that others will not. 

multiplex:シネマコンプレックス 同じ建物内に複数の映画館がある
besieged:を悩ます
in nature:この上なく
blockbuster:映画の大ヒット作
studio:映画制作会社
meddling:干渉する
trickier:扱いにくい
sweeping:全面的な・完全な
exploring:探求する

Taking place in 1915, “The Promise” centres on a passionate love triangle but is set against the genocide perpetrated against Armenians by officials of the Ottoman Empire. Oscar Isaac plays a humble Armenian medical student who tries to escape the massacre and save his family, while falling in love with an American dance instructor (Charlotte Le Bon) thereby earning a rivalry with her journalist boyfriend (Christian Bale). 

triangle:恋の三角関係
perpetrated:犯す
set against:を背景として
humble:ごく普通の
earning:もたらす

It is a stirring, if somewhat by-the-numbers depiction of heroism and survival in horrifying times, but it will not make the pantheon of great historical films. The love story is shallowly written, and the charismatic performers often wilt under the haunting scenes of systemic violence. Without a meaningful story on which to hang its historical events, the actors are left looking like vehicles for a history lesson. 

stirring:興奮させる
by-the-numbers:手順通りに
pantheon:中心人物達
shallowly:奥行きのない
wilt :ぐったりする
haunting:忘れられない
hang:掲げる

Perhaps that is what the film-makers intended. “I didn’t know about the Armenian genocide before,” Mr Isaac noted. “I think, unfortunately, a lot of us in this country and in the West and all around the world have been purposefully kept in the dark about it.” Indeed, the most basic facts are in dispute. Turkey claims that 500,000 Armenians died of hunger and disease in the Syrian desert: they were being deported for supporting Russia in the first world war. Armenian survivors and their descendants place the number of dead at 1.5m, observing Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day on April 24th every year. 

purposefully:故意に
deported:国外退去させる

They argue that it was a systematic killing rather than an unfortunate side effect of poorly executed policy. Today most scholars recognise the massacre as genocide, yet many Turkish officials still do not. Because Turkey is such an important ally to the West, neither has America, Britain or Israel. On the campaign trail in 2008, Barack Obama pledged several times to reverse this policy of obfuscation, but he failed to do so once in office. This week, Donald Trump declined to categorise the events depicted in “The Promise” as genocide (though he was happy to call it “one of the worst mass atrocities of the 20th century”). America’s cultural machine is doing what its political machine will not. 

obfuscation:ごまかし・うやむや
machine:手法

“The Promise” is not for the squeamish. The slaughter is depicted with stark brutality and inarguable cruelty. Key characters are executed suddenly and without warning. A mother is shot in the head in front of her daughter. The population of an entire town is butchered in the matter of minutes, their bodies piled on top of each other beside a river. The film-makers do not use the word “genocide” until the film’s closing moments, but they do not need to: the actions are unmistakable. In one key scene, Mr Isaac’s character discovers a train full of starving Armenians, a sequence often found in Holocaust films, placing these dreadful events in moral context for the audience. 

squeamish:神経質な
stark:全くの
inarguable :議論の余地がない
butchered:殺戮する
in the matter of minutes:ものの数分で
unmistakable:まちがえようのない
sequence:映画のシーン
context:文脈・状況

Indeed, while other genocides have found their way to the screen, politics seems to have prevented “The Promise” from making it through the typical channels. Studios are unlikely to take a chance on an expensive film that might anger government officials and geopolitical allies unless they can guarantee that it will be profitable. The film was instead independently financed by the late Kirk Kerkorian, an American billionaire of Armenian descent, who created a film company—Survival Pictures—with the express purpose of educating the world about the Armenian genocide. He sunk $100m into “The Promise”, casting Mr Bale and Mr Isaac to attract an audience. The choice of Terry George as director was inspired, too: his “Hotel Rwanda” (2004) proved that he is able to handle complex conflicts with nuance and sensitivity. 

typical channel:代表的なルート
express:特別な目的
sunk:つぎ込む

Still, when the film premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival in 2016, it did not set the festival alight. Reviews were middling, and no major distributors were interested. Open Road, a smaller company that had shepherded “Spotlight” to a best picture Oscar, picked it up, decided it wasn’t good enough for awards season, and dumped it in the spring. In its opening weekend it grossed only $4.1m, a historically low amount for a film that cost $100m to make. Insiders speculate that it could gross around $20m worldwide, which by most accounts would make “The Promise” a spectacular failure. 

premiered:封切られる
alight:火をつける
middling:まあまあの
shepherded:導く
spectacular :著しい

But “The Promise” cannot be judged in purely economic terms, as Kekorian had little interest in making back his investment. Perhaps we should not judge it on purely artistic terms either. “The Promise” doesn’t seek to break ground: it was created in order to shine light on an oft-ignored historical event, and even with mediocre reviews and middling box-office figures it is achieving that aim. One day, if the history of the Armenian genocide is officially re-written, “The Promise” will have played a part. 

break ground:事業に乗り出す
oft-ignored:しばしば忘れられた
mediocre:平凡な

アルメニアの虐殺の映画がヒットしなかった。1億ドルかけて作ったが、ほとんど回収できなかった。トルコのオットーマン帝国がアルメニア人を虐殺したという映画で、男女の3角関係を扱った映画だ。アルメニアの虐殺が脚光を浴びていないので、人気がなかったのかもしれない。いつか日の目を見る時が来るのかもしれない。

木曜日。今日はいつもの会食がある。今回は四谷なので、コーヒーだけだ。ではまた明日。

swingby_blog at 23:28コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 
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海野 恵一
1948年1月14日生

学歴:東京大学経済学部卒業

スウィングバイ株式会社
代表取締役社長

アクセンチュア株式会社代表取締役(2001-2002)
Swingby 最新イベント情報
海野塾のイベントはFacebookのTeamSwingbyを参照ください。 またスウィングバイは以下のところに引っ越しました。 スウィングバイ株式会社 〒108-0023 東京都港区芝浦4丁目2−22東京ベイビュウ803号 Tel: 080-9558-4352 Fax: 03-3452-6690 E-mail: clyde.unno@swingby.jp Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/clyde.unno 海野塾: https://www.facebook.com TeamSwingby
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