Thinking Local


So who signs off on the most vital foreign policy decisions? Much of the real power rests in the hands of men who technically aren't even in the government; instead, they are Communist Party leaders with impeccable ideological credentials. Wang Jiarui, for instance, the head of the Communist Party's International Department, sits higher in China's leadership hierarchy than Foreign Minister Yang. During the 29 overseas trips that Hu took from 2008 to early 2010, the directors of the party's Policy Research Office and General Office traveled with Hu on every occasion, according to SIPRI. Shielded from normal government proceedings, many of these men have little interaction with the outside world that can be publicly scrutinized.

そこで、誰がこの最も極めて重要な外国政策の決定を認めるのか?多くの権限は厳密に言えば政府の中にすらいない男達の手中にある。;彼等は非の打ち所の無いイデオロギーの経歴を持った共産党の指導者達だ。例えば、王家瑞(Wang Jiarui)は共産党の国際部門の長であり、外交部長の楊よりも中国の指導者の地位は高い。スウェーデンのストックホルム国際平和研究所(SIPRI)によれば胡錦濤が2008年から2010年始めまでの29ヶ国の海外旅行の間、党の政策調査局並びに総務局の主任達は毎回彼と旅行した。通常の政府の一連の活動から隠れて、これらの人たちの多くは公に調べることの出来る外部の世界との関わりは殆ど持っていない。

Their insularity helps explain why some of China's foreign policy decrees sound so at odds with the oratory of its smoother emissaries. "Americanand European officials get promoted in a democratic and open political context, and these democratic elements nurture these officials and train them how to express themselves," says Peking University professor Zhu. "But Chinese officials are appointed and promoted without a competitive environment. They don't know how to present themselves eloquently. So their public gestures feel rigid, static and even provocative."


Of course, any leader — insular or not — wants to stay in power. With communism hardly able to serve as a guiding force anymore, the party has used nationalism as a tool to rally the Chinese people. China's youth, who never lived through the deprivations of the People's Republic's early history, are among the most patriotic citizens. "Young Chinese tend to look for a muscular, more masculine foreign policy from their leaders,"says China Foreign Affairs University's Qin. Within that context, the jingoistic drumbeat of China's official media makes perfect sense. These messages are not designed for a foreign audience but rather a nationalistic crowd back home.

勿論、どんな指導者もー 偏狭であろうとなかろうと、ー 権力を保持したがる。共産主義がもはや指導的な力として果たすことが出来ないので、この党は中国人を結集する為の道具として、愛国主義を利用して来た。中国の若者は人民共和国の早い頃の歴史に於ける困窮を経験して来ていないし、最も愛国的な国民だ。「若い中国人は彼等の指導者から力強く、より男らしい外交政策を求める傾向にある。」と中国外交学院のQinは言っている。この状況の中で、中国の公的メディアの好戦的な愛国主義の太鼓の音はつじつまが合っている。これらのメッセージは外国の聴衆に対してではなく、むしろ祖国の国家主義的な群衆に対して仕組まれている。

Last year, a Chinese submarine containing three scientists drove to the bottom of the South China Sea. The region is contested by several countries, and may hold significant gas reserves. The feat was trumpeted in the state-run English-language press as a scientific breakthrough that allowed China to join the select club of nations with deep-dive technology. But in the Chinese-language press the story was more that a Chinese flag now flew on the seabed of the South China Sea. When it comes to Chinese diplomacy, there always seems to be two sides to the story.


With reporting by Chengcheng Jiang and Jessie Jiang / Beijin


これは以上で終わりで、今日は中国の話をもう一つ。これはThe Economistの記事だ。

Catching a whiff of jasmine in Kashgar


Feb 20th 2011, 16:30 by J.M. | KASHGAR

TWO fire engines stood parked by the road leading past Kashgar's main mosque. They were clearly not deployed to fight any fires. Atop one sat a helmeted officer behind a shield. The nozzle of the vehicle's waterhose pointed to the junction where an alley leads into the maze-like old city of this ancient oasis town. An officer in camouflage uniform sat on the other vehicle. In a nearby government compound, several more security personnel could be seen wearing helmets and carrying shields, standing next to a line of armoured vehicles. They had not been there the day before.


Kashgaris no stranger to security measures. It belongs to a part of China's Xinjiang region that is periodically racked by separatist incidents, sometimes violent, involving members of the ethnic Uighur community.  It has been particularly edgy in the past two or three years. An outbreak of deadly clashes between Uighurs and Han Chinese in 2009 in Urumqi, the provincial capital, has left the authorities uneasy.


But today the government perhaps had reason to be a little more jittery than usual. Calls had been circulating on the internet for Chinese to gather in central areas of 13 major cities (none in Xinjiang were named) on February 20th to stage a "jasmine revolution"—in reference tothe upheavals that have are convulsing the Arab world.

しかし、今日、政府がいつもより少しばかりイライラしているには理由があった。「ジャスミン革命」を組織化する為に2月20日に13の主要都市(新疆では都市名はなかったが)の中心地域で集まるよう中国人に対してインターネットでの呼びかけあった。ー アラブ世界に騒動を起こさせている激変に関連して。



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