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A new ¡Èstate-security committee¡É could be more contentious. In foreign affairs, this is expected to mirror America¡Çs National Security Council, which advises the president and helps co-ordinate government agencies. America has long complained about the lack of coherence within Chinese policy-making, which leaves its most important bilateral relationships vulnerable to unpredictable hiatuses and sudden changes in direction. The committee is expected to include the army and police. If so, it could be a sign of Mr Xi¡Çs growing clout and determination to rein in the free-wheeling security forces to ensure that they work with the rest of the state.
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Pessimists will find plenty to be gloomy about. Asian markets fell when the plenum made its announcements, perhaps because of the lack of news about financial reform. The communique barely mentions the need for changes in rural land ownership let alone household registration (hukou). Although it nods towards judicial reform, it does not speak of allowing any more political freedom. There are fears that the security committee could be used for internal repression. Some see it as a power grab by Mr Xi to give himself a more direct role in the security apparatus.
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Yet if Mr Xi is to overcome China¡Çs conservative interests, these changes or something like them are necessary. Too many people do too well out of today¡Çs system to make change easy. The new small leading group should act as an economic commando force, tackling obstacles to reform within the bureaucracy and the party. The state-security committee could aim to ensure that factions do not embroil China in disputes abroad that escalate to the central leadership only very late, when much of the damage has been done.
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The new committees leave Mr Xi with more power than any Chinese leader since Deng. A lot depends on what he does with it. If the coming years see more changes, such as economic reform in the countryside, curbs on the party¡Çs clout and greater recognition of the rule of law, then people will look back on the plenum as the start of a better China just as they do now to the 1978 meeting. If Mr Xi does nothing, the country will be heading in a dangerous direction.
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Pessimists will find plenty to be gloomy about. Asian markets fell when the plenum made its announcements, perhaps because of the lack of news about financial reform. The communique barely mentions the need for changes in rural land ownership let alone household registration (hukou). Although it nods towards judicial reform, it does not speak of allowing any more political freedom. There are fears that the security committee could be used for internal repression. Some see it as a power grab by Mr Xi to give himself a more direct role in the security apparatus.
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Yet if Mr Xi is to overcome China¡Çs conservative interests, these changes or something like them are necessary. Too many people do too well out of today¡Çs system to make change easy. The new small leading group should act as an economic commando force, tackling obstacles to reform within the bureaucracy and the party. The state-security committee could aim to ensure that factions do not embroil China in disputes abroad that escalate to the central leadership only very late, when much of the damage has been done.
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The new committees leave Mr Xi with more power than any Chinese leader since Deng. A lot depends on what he does with it. If the coming years see more changes, such as economic reform in the countryside, curbs on the party¡Çs clout and greater recognition of the rule of law, then people will look back on the plenum as the start of a better China just as they do now to the 1978 meeting. If Mr Xi does nothing, the country will be heading in a dangerous direction.
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