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Another significant factor is that autocratic countries that are large, especially in terms of land area, are less likely to cease being autocratic than small ones. And military dictatorships are pretty short-lived, while single-party states and monarchies last longer. China, obviously, is a very large one-party state. But I feel the variables on offer here don't do justice to the uniqueness of the Chinese and Vietnamese systems. The combination of successful capitalist economies with monopoly parties that can successfully manage non-fatal non-nepotistic leadership transitions six times in a row is new. It's a big deal.

¤â¤¦°ì¤Ä¤Î½ÅÍפÊÍ×°ø¤ÏÆȺ۹ñ²È¤¬Â礭¤¯¡¢Æäˡ¢ÎÎÅڤˤª¤¤¤Æ¡¢¤½¤¦¤Ç¤¢¤ë¾ì¹ç¤Ë¤Ï¾®¤µ¤Ê¹ñ²È¤è¤ê¤â¤è¤êÀìÀ©Åª¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢·³»öÆȺÛÀ¯¸¢¤Ï¶Ë¤á¤Æû̿¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¢°ìÊý¤Ç¡¢°ìÅޤιñ²È¤Ç¡¢·¯¼çÀ©¤Î¾ì¹ç¤Ë¤Ï¤è¤êŤ¯Â³¤¯¡£Ãæ¹ñ¤Ï¡¢ÌÀ¤é¤«¤Ë¡¢¶Ë¤á¤ÆµðÂç¤Ê°ìÅޤιñ²È¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢»ä¤Ï¤³¤³¤ÇÄ󶡤·¤Æ¤¤¤ëÊÑ¿ô¤ÏÃæ¹ñ¤È¥Ù¥È¥Ê¥à¤Î¥·¥¹¥Æ¥à¤ÎÆðÛÀ­¤òÀµ¤·¤¯É¾²Á¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤È¤Ï»×¤ï¤Ê¤¤¡£Ï¢Â³¤·¤Æ6²ó¤â¡¢Ã×̿Ū¤Ë¤Ê¤é¤º¡¢±ï¼Ô¤Ó¤¤¤­¤Ë¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤»ØƳ¼Ô¤Î°Ü¹Ô¤òÀ®¸ù΢¤Ë¿Ê¤á¤ë¤³¤È¤¬½ÐÍ褿ÆÈÀꤷ¤¿ÅÞ¤ÈÀ®¸ù¤·¤¿»ñËܼçµÁ·ÐºÑ¤È¤ÎÁȤ߹ç¤ï¤»¤Ï¿·¤·¤¤¡£¤½¤ì¤Ï°ìÂç»ö·ï¤À¡£

Now, maybe the Chinese and Vietnamese communist parties will fail to manage economic growth to truly developed levels, or will be torn apart by the stresses of increased demand for participation from empowered, educated, wealthy middle classes. Maybe they're too slow and unwieldy for the modern media environment, as James Fallows writes about the silly internet censorship surrounding rumours of Jiang Zemin's death.

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But then again, maybe not. Maybe this morally troubling type of rule, in which the responsibility and privileges of governance are essentially assigned to a guild or corporation with internal but not external competition and mainly informal, not formal, accountability to the broader population, is a sustainable model of governance for a modern society. Or maybe it's only viable in East Asia, for cultural reasons; anyway, China isn't seeking to export it anymore, and it's hard to see how any other country could start to build such a model in an era when peasant revolutions seem to be a thing of the past.

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China model
This house believes China offers a better development model than the West.


I confess I can't really imagine what a fully developed wealthy society with a single-party state would look like. But a few years back I visited the then-leader of Singapore's tiny opposition party in his apartment, where he was under house arrest. He was under house arrest because he was unable to pay his debts, and he was in debt because the state had convicted him of slander and fined him hundreds of thousands of dollars for saying, in effect, that Singapore is not a democracy. Which is a nice little manoeuvre.

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The combination of smooth political succession and strong economic growth helps explain why China is more stable than the USSR was at a similar level of development. In 1990, just before its collapse/democratic transition, the USSR had a PPP-adjusted per-capita GDP of just under $7,000 (in 1990 Geary-Khamis international dollars), according to Angus Maddison, whose research everybody seems to use on this. Mr Maddison put China at $4,800 (same units) in 2003; since then its economy has grown by 8-10% a year, suggesting it's now richer than the USSR ever was. Having spent a few months in the USSR in 1990, I wouldn't be surprised if this were the case. (Though Chinese PPP conversions are controversial. IMF and World Bank figures put Chinese incomes lower than Mr Maddison's.

±ß³ê¤ÊÀ¯¼£¤Î·Ñ¾µ¤È¶¯ÎϤʷкÑÀ®Ä¹¤Î·ë¹ç¤ÏȯŸ¤¬»÷¤¿¤è¤¦¤Ê¥ì¥Ù¥ë¤ÎUSSR¤è¤ê¤â¤Ê¤¼Ãæ¹ñ¤¬°ÂÄꤷ¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤Î¤«¤òÀâÌÀ¤¹¤ë¾å¤Ç¤Î¼ê½õ¤±¤Ë¤Ê¤ë¡£Angus Maddison¤Ë¤è¤ë¤È¡¢1990ǯ¤ËÃúÅÙ¡¢Êø²õ¡¿Ì±¼ç¼çµÁ¤Ø¤Î°Ü¹Ô¤ÎÁ°¤Ë¡¤USSR¤ÏÃúÅÙ7,000¥É¥ë°Ê²¼¤Î¹ØÇãÎÏÊ¿²Á¤ÇÄ´À°¤·¤¿°ì¿ÍÅö¤¿¤ê¤ÎGDP¡Ê1990ǯ¤Ç¤Ï¹ñºÝ¥²¥¢¥ê¡¼¡á¥±¥¤¥ß¥¹ ¥É¥ë¡Ë¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤¿¡£¤³¤ÎÁÈ¿¥¤ÎÄ´ºº¤ò¤³¤Î¤³¤È¤Çï¤â¤¬»È¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤è¤¦¤À¡£Maddison»á¤ÏÃæ¹ñ¤ò2003ǯ¤Ë¡ÊƱ°ìñ°Ì¤Ç¡Ë4,800¥É¥ë¤È¤·¤¿¡£¡¨¤½¤ì°ÊÍè¡¢¤½¤³¤Î·ÐºÑ¤Ï°ìǯ¤Ç¡¢8-10%À®Ä¹¤·¤ÆÍè¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¢¤«¤Ã¤Æ¤ÎUSSR¤è¤ê¤âº£¤ÏË­¤«¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤³¤È¤ò¼¨¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£1990ǯ¤ËUSSR¤Ç ¿ô¥ö·î²á¤·¤ÆÍ褿¤¬¡¢¤³¤Î¤³¤È¤¬¼Â¾ð¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤¿¤È¤·¤Æ¤â»ä¤Ï¶Ã¤«¤Ê¤¤¤À¤í¤¦¡£¡ÊÃæ¹ñ¿Í¤ÎPPPÊÑ´¹¤Ï°ÛÏÀ¤¬Â¿¤¤¤±¤ì¤É¤â¡£IMF¤äÀ¤³¦¶ä¹Ô¤Î¿ô»ú¤Ï Maddison»á¤è¤ê¤âÃæ¹ñ¿Í¤Î½êÆÀ¤òÄ㤯¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¡Ë


¹ñºÝ¥²¥¢¥ê¡¼¡á¥±¥¤¥ß¥¹¡ÊGeary-Khamis¡Ë¥É¥ë¡§³Æ¹ñÄ̲ߤò¹ØÇãÎÏÊ¿²Á¤Ç´¹»»¤·¤¿¤â¤Î¤Ç¡¢1990ǯ´ð½à¤Î¼Â¼ÁÃͤǤ¢¤ë¡£¤Ê¤ª¡¢¤³¤Î¥Ç¡¼¥¿¤Ï¡¢¤½¤ì¤¾¤ì¤Î»þÂå¤ÎÎÎÅڤǤϤʤ¯¡¢¸½ºß¤ÎÎÎÅÚ¤¬´ð½à¤Ë¤Ê¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£

But others warn the IMF/WB figures are based on 2005 price surveys that were too high, which would mean current Chinese per capita GDP is 21% of America's, and China will become the world's largest economy in 2012, not 2016 as the IMF estimates. This ADB paper suggests China is now as rich as the USSR was even as a percentage of contemporaneous US per-capita income, but it puts that figure at almost 30%, which seems absurdly high.) Anyway, China appears to be hitting income levels where other countries have experienced democratic transitions without any sign of a plausible challenge to CPC rule.

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CPC Communist Party of China: Ãæ¹ñ¶¦»ºÅÞ

Why would that be? Political scientists looking at the relative stability of different autocracies break the category up into subgroups with varying characteristics. For example, a recent paper by Krister Lundell, delivered at what sounds like a truly awesome panel in February in Sao Paulo (¡ÈBad Guys, Good Governance? Varieties of Capitalism in Autocracies¡É), runs through a bunch of different categorisation schemes in trying to sort out what characteristics might distinguish autocracies that go democratic (or "hybrid", ie part of the way towards democracy) from those that remain permanent autocracies. He doesn't come up with much. Income levels, interestingly, don't seem to be that important. The oil-exporting factor is important, as my colleague mentions. Islamic countries are more likely to stay autocratic, but that's confounded by the oil-export factor so it's not clear how important it is.

¤Ê¤¼¤½¤¦¤Ê¤Î¤À¤í¤¦¤«¡©¡¡°Û¤Ê¤Ã¤¿ÆȺ۹ñ²È¤ÈÈæ³Ó¤·¤Æ°ÂÄꤷ¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤Î¤ò¸«¤ÆÍ褿À¯¼£²Ê³Ø¼Ôã¤Ï°Û¤Ê¤ëÆÃħ¤´¤È¤Ë¾®Ê¬Îà¤Ë¤½¤Î¥«¥Æ¥´¥ê¡¼¤òʬ³ä¤·¤¿¡£Î㤨¤Ð¡¢Krister Lundell¤Ë¤è¤ëºÇ¶á¤ÎÊó¹ð½ñ¤Ï¥µ¥ó¥Ñ¥¦¥í¤Ç¡¢2·î¤ËËÜÅö¤ËºÇ¹â¤Î¥Ñ¥Í¥ë¥Ç¥£¥¹¥«¥Ã¥·¥ç¥ó¤Î¤è¤¦¤Ê¤È¤³¤í¤ËÁ÷ÉÕ¤µ¤ì¤¿¤¬¡¢¡Ê¡Ö°­¤¤Åۤ顣Îɤ¤Åý¼£¡©ÆȺ۹ñ²È¤Ë±÷¤±¤ë¿ÍͤʻñËܼçµÁ¡Ë¤½¤ì¤Ï¤¢¤Á¤³¤Á¤Î¿¤¯¤ÎʬÎàÂηϤòÁö¤ê²ó¤ê¡¢¤É¤ó¤ÊÆÃħ¤¬¡¢±Ê³¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ëÆȺ۹ñ²È¤Ëα¤Þ¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤â¤Î¤«¤é̱¼ç¼çµÁ¡Ê¤â¤·¤¯ ¤Ï¡Öº®¹ç·¿¡×¤¹¤Ê¤ï¤Á¡¢¤ä¤êÊý¤Î°ìÉô¤¬Ì±¼ç¼çµÁ¤ÎÊý¸þ¤Ë¸þ¤«¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡Ë¤Ë¤Ê¤ëÆȺ۹ñ²È¤ò¼±Ê̤¹¤ë¤«¤òÁª¤Ó½Ð¤½¤¦¤È¤·¤¿¡£Èà¤Ï¤¢¤Þ¤ê¸«¤Ä¤±¤ë¤³¤È¤¬½ÐÍè¤Ê ¤«¤Ã¤¿¡£½êÆÀ¿å½à¤Ï¡¢ÌÌÇò¤¤¤³¤È¤Ë¡¢¤½¤ì¤Û¤É½ÅÍפǤϤʤ«¤Ã¤¿¡£»ä¤ÎƱν¤¬¸À¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤è¤¦¤Ë¡¢ÀÐÌýÍ¢½ÐÍ×°ø¤Ï½ÅÍפÀ¡£¥¤¥¹¥é¥à½ô¹ñ¤ÏÆȺ۹ñ²È¤Ëα¤Þ¤ë¤Î¤¬¤è¤ê¤Õ¤µ¤ï¤·¤¤¤è ¤¦¤À¤¬¡¢¤½¤ì¤ÏÀÐÌýÍ¢½ÐÍ×°ø¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤Æ¸ÍÏǤäƤ¤¤ë¡£¤À¤«¤é¡¢¤½¤ì¤¬¤É¤ì¤Û¤É½ÅÍפʤΤ«¤Ï¤Ã¤­¤ê¤·¤Ê¤¤¡£


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Democracy v China
What China challenges Jul 11th 2011, 13:54 by M.S.
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MY COLLEAGUE at Free exchange made a series of good points in arguing that the rise of China shouldn't really challenge our certainty that in order for countries to become and remain wealthy, they need to be democratic. He's quite right that an overwhelming majority of wealthy countries are democratic, and that China isn't wealthy yet. I think there are two questions here. The first is whether China is in the long run going democratic as it gets rich. The second is whether, if it doesn't, this implies anything broader about the inevitability of democracy in other wealthy modern countries.

¹ñ²È¤¬Ë­¤«¤Ë¤Ê¤ê¡¢°Ý»ý¤·Â³¤±¤ë¤¿¤á¤Ë¤Ï̱¼ç ¼çµÁ¤¬É¬ÍפǤ¢¤ë¤È¸À¤¦²æ¡¹¤ÎɬÁ³À­¤ËÃæ¹ñ¤ÎÂæƬ¤¬¤Ï¤¿¤·¤ÆÄ©À魯¤ë¤Ù¤­¤Ç¤Ï¤Ê¤¤¤È¸À¤¦µÄÏÀ¤ÎÃæ¤Ç¡¤¼«Í³¤Ê°Õ¸«¸ò´¹¤Î¾ì¤Ç¡¤»ä¤ÎÃç´Ö¤Ï°ìÏ¢¤ÎÎɤ¤»ØŦ¤ò¤·¤¿¡£Ë­¤«¤Ê¹ñ²È¤Î°µÅÝŪ¤ÊÂç¿¿ô¤Ï̱¼ç¼çµÁ¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¤¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢Ãæ¹ñ¤Ï¤Þ¤ÀË­¤«¤Ç¤Ï¤Ê¤¤¤ÈÈब¸À¤¦¤Î¤Ï¤Þ¤Ã¤¿¤¯Àµ¤·¤¤¡£¤³¤³¤Ë¤Ï2¤Ä¤Î¼ÁÌ䤬¤¢¤ë¤È»×¤¦¡£ºÇ½é¤Î¤ÏÃæ¹ñ¤¬¶â»ý¤Á¤Ë¤Ê¤ë»þ¤Ë¡¢·ë¶É¤Ï̱¼ç¼çµÁ¤Ë¤Ê¤ë¤Î¤«¤É¤¦¤«¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£ÆóÈÖÌܤΤϡ¢¤â¤·¤½¤¦¤Ç¤Ê¤¤¤Î¤Ê¤é¡¢Â¾¤ÎË­¤«¤Ê¶áÂå¹ñ²È¤ÎÃæ¤Ë̱¼ç¼çµÁ¤ÎɬÁ³À­¤Ë¤Ä¤¤¤Æ¡¢¤è¤ê¹­¤¤²¿¤«¤¬¤¢¤ë¤È¸À¤¦»ö¤Ê¤Î¤«¡£


ºÇ¸å¤ÎÉôʬ¤Îinevitability¤È¸À¤¦°ÕÌ£¤Ï¡ÖÉÔ²ÄÈò¤Î¤â¤Î¡×¤È¸À¤¦¤³¤È¤Ç¡¢¡ÖɬÁ³À­¡×¤ÈÌõ¤·¤¿¤¬¡¢Ë­¤«¤Ê¹ñ²È¤Ë¤Ï̱¼ç¼çµÁ¤¬ÉÔ²ÄÈò¤À¤È¸À¤Ã¤ÆÍ褿¤¬¡¢¤³¤ÎÉÔ²ÄÈò¤Î̱¼ç¼çµÁ°Ê³°¤Î²¿¤«¤¬¤¢¤ë¤È¸À¤¦°ÕÌ£¡£Ãí

My views on this subject are influenced by having lived for many years in the world's other fast-growing capitalist communist confucian country, Vietnam, and watching predictions that rising wealth leads to democratisation fail to bear any but the most modest of fruit. China and Vietnam have structures and cultures of governance that are about as similar as one can expect for cross-country comparisons. And what's striking in both countries is the remarkable absence of any serious challenge to Communist Party domination of every corner of political life. Both countries have dissidents aplenty; but these dissidents have no public organisations, and, at the first hint that organisations are beginning to form, they're quickly dismantled through arrest and intimidation.

¤³¤ÎÌäÂê¤ËÂФ·¤Æ¤Î»ä¤Î¹Í¤¨¤ÏÀ¤³¦¤Î¾¤ÎµÞÀ®Ä¹¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë»ñËܼçµÁ¡¢¶¦»º¼çµÁ¤Ç¤¢¤ë¹¦»Ò¤Î¹ñ²È¡¢¥Ù¥È¥Ê¥à¤ÎÃæ¤Ç²¿Ç¯¤âÀ¸³è¤·¤ÆÍè¤Æ¡¢±Æ¶Á¤ò¼õ¤±¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¤¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢Ì±¼ç²½¤ËƳ¤¤¤Æ¤¤¤ëÁýÂ礹¤ëË­¤«¤µ¤ÏºÇ¤â¼ÁÁǤÊÀ®²Ì¤Ç¤·¤«¼õ¤±¤ë¤³¤È¤¬¤Ç¤­¤Ê¤¤»ö¤òͽ¸«¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£Ãæ¹ñ¤È¥Ù¥È¥Ê¥à¤Ï¹ñ²È¤ò²£ÃǤ·¤ÆÈæ³Ó¤·¤ÆͽÁÛ¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤¬¤Ç¤­¤ë¤Û¤É¡¢¤Û¤Ü»÷¤Æ¤¤¤ëÅý¼£¤Î¹½Â¤¤Èʸ²½¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢Î¾¹ñ¤Ë»×¤¤¤¿¤ë¤â¤Î¤ÏÀ¯¼£À¸Ì¿¤Î¶ù¡¹¤Ø¤Î¶¦»ºÅÞ»ÙÇÛ¤ËÂФ·¤ÆÇ¡²¿¤Ê¤ë½ÅÂç¤ÊÄ©À郎¤Þ¤Ã¤¿¤¯¤Ê¤¤ ¤È¸À¤¦»ö¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£Î¾¹ñ¤Ë¤Ï¿ô¿¤¯¤ÎÈ¿ÂÎÀ©Çɤ¬¤¤¤ë¡£¡¨¤·¤«¤·¡¢¤³¤ì¤é¤ÎÈ¿ÂÎÀ©ÇɤϸøŪ¤ÊÁÈ¿¥¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤¡£¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢ÁÈ¿¥¤¬·ÁÀ®¤·»Ï¤á¤ëºÇ½é¤Îµ¤Çۤǡ¤ÈàÅù¤ÏÂáÊá¤È°Ò³Å¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤Æľ¤Á¤Ë¥Ð¥é¥Ð¥é¤Ë¤µ¤ì¤ë¡£

Of course, many autocracies are competent at attacking and dismantling political threats. Fewer repressive autocracies have been able to produce well-founded economic growth for decades in a row, though there, too, there are success stories. But what sets China and Vietnam apart is the ability of their governing institutions to carry out long-term stable political succession. The communist parties of Vietnam and China are very different from the relatively flimsy and short-lived governing parties of most single-party dictatorships, usually constructed around a single personality and his relatives and cronies. Since the late 1970s, they have managed transitions to new generations of leadership every five years with very little disruption.

ÌÞÏÀ¡¤Â¿¤¯¤ÎÆȺ۹ñ²È¤ÏÀ¯¼£Åª¤Ê¶¼°Ò¤ò¹¶·â¤·¡¤¥Ð¥é¥Ð¥é¤Ë¤¹¤ëǽÎÏ ¤¬¤¢¤ë¡£¤½¤¦¤Ï¸À¤¦¤â¤Î¤Î¤½¤³¤Ë¸ºß¤¹¤ë¤Î¤Ç¡¤ÍÞ°µÅª¤ÊÆȺ۹ñ²È¤¬Ï¢Â³¤·¤Æ¡¤¿ô½½Ç¯¤Î´Ö¡¤´ðÁäΤ·¤Ã¤«¤ê¤·¤¿·ÐºÑÀ®Ä¹¤ò¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤ÏËؤɽÐÍè¤Ê¤«¤Ã¤¿¡£À® ¸ù¤ÎÏ䬤¢¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢Ãæ¹ñ¤È¥Ù¥È¥Ê¥à¤òºÝΩ¤¿¤»¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤â¤Î¤ÏÈàÅù¤Î»ÙÇÛ¤¹¤ëµ¡´Ø¤ÎǽÎϤǤ¢¤ê¡¤Ä¹´üŪ¤Ë°ÂÄꤷ¤¿À¯¼£¤ò°ú¤­·Ñ¤¤¤Ç¤¤¤ë»ö¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¥Ù¥È¥Ê¥à ¤äÃæ¹ñ¤Î¶¦»ºÅÞ¤ÏÁêÂÐŪ¤ËÉϼå¤Ê¡¢¤½¤·¤Æû̿¤Î¡¢Â¿¤¯¤Î°ìÅÞÆȺۤÎÅý¼£À¯ÅޤȤ϶ˤá¤Æ°Û¤Ê¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤³¤ì¤é¤ÏÄ̾£±¿Í¤Î¿Íʪ¤ÈÈà¤Î¿ÈÆâ¤È¼è¤ê´¬¤­¤«¤é ¤Ê¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£1970ǯÂåËö´ü°ÊÍè¡¢ÈàÅù¤ÏËؤÉʬÎö¤»¤º¤Ë5ǯ¤´¤È¤Ë»ØƳ¼Ô¤Î¿·¤¿¤ÊÀ¤Âå¤Ë°Ü¹Ô¤·¤ÆÍ褿¡£

In part this is due to mechanisms and traditions within these parties that provide for some level of internal democracy, or at least of peaceful factional competition. But the ability to recruit new cadres, allow them to rise through the system, assume top leadership positions, and then push them into retirement, without being overwhelmed by nepotism or personality cults, makes this type of autocracy markedly different from the weak family-run shell parties or military fronts that have run or are running autocratic shows in Indonesia, South Korea, Syria, Iraq, Chile, Spain, Burma and so on. And, obviously, China and Vietnam no longer have to worry about the great weakness that doomed single-party rule in most of the ex-communist world, ie pointless and crippling state-socialist economic policies.

°ìÉô¤Ï¤³¤Î»ö¤Ï¡¢¤¢¤ëÄøÅ٤ιñÆâ¤Î̱¼ç¼çµÁ¤â¤·¤¯¤Ï¾¯¤Ê¤¯¤È¤â²º¤ä¤«¤ÊÇÉȶ¤Î¶¥Áè¤Î¤¿¤á¤ËÄ󶡤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡¢¤³¤ì¤é¤ÎÅÞÇɤÎÃæ¤Î¹½Â¤¤È´·½¬¤Î¤¿¤á¤À¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢±ï¼Ô¤Ó¤¤¤­¤È¤«¸Ä¿Í¿òÇҤˤè¤Ã¤Æº¤ÏǤµ¤ì¤º¤Ë¡¤¿·¤·¤¤´´Éô¤òºÎÍѤ·¡¢¤½¤Î¥·¥¹¥Æ¥à¤òÄ̤¸¤ÆÈàÅù¤ò¾º¿Ê¤µ¤»¡¤¥È¥Ã¥×¤Î»ØƳ¼Ô¤ÎÃϰ̤ò²¾Äꤷ¡¤¤½¤·¤Æ¤½¤ì¤«¤é¡¢ÈàÅù¤òÂ࿦¤µ¤»¤ëǽÎϤϡ¢Indonesia, South Korea, Syria, Iraq, Chile, Spain, Burma¤Ê¤É¤Î¤è¤¦¤Ë¡¢Àȼå¤Ê²È²±¿±Ä¤ò¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¼å¾®¤ÎÅޤ⤷¤¯¤ÏÆȺÛŪ¤Ê¸«¤»¤«¤±¤ò±¿±Ä¤·¤ÆÍ褿¤â¤·¤¯¤Ï¤·¤ÆÍè¤Æ¤¤¤ë·³»öÀïÀþ¤È¤ÏÌÀ¤é¤«¤Ë°Û¤Ê¤Ã¤¿¤³¤ÎÆȺ۹ñ²È¤Î¼ïÎà¤òºî¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢ÌÀ¤é¤«¤Ë¡¤Ãæ¹ñ¤È¥Ù¥È¥Ê¥à¤Ï¿¤¯¤Î¸µ¶¦»º¼çµÁÀ¤³¦¤ÎÃæ¤Î°ìÅÞ»ÙÇÛ¤ò±¿Ì¿¤Å¤±¤Æ¤¤¤ëÂ礭¤Ê¼åÅÀ¤ò¤â¤Ï¤ä¿´ÇÛ¤¹¤ëɬÍפϤʤ¤¡£¤¹¤Ê¤ï¤Á¡¢¤È¤ê¤È¤á¤Î̵¤¤¡¢Ëãá㤷¤¿¹ñ²È¼Ò²ñ¼çµÁ·ÐºÑÀ¯ºö¡£

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Israeli FM threatens tough response to planned Palestinian declaration of independence at UN¡¡
By Associated Press, Published: July 6
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JERUSALEM — Israel¡Çs hardline foreign minister says there will be a tough response if the Palestinians follow through on a plan to declare independence at the United Nations this fall. Avigdor Lieberman told reporters on Wednesday that ¡Èunilateral steps will force us to take unilateral steps.¡É He says Israel is considering a variety of responses but declined to elaborate. Lieberman has earlier suggested that Israel could annul past peace agreements or annex parts of the West Bank.

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With peace talks deadlocked for more than two years, the Palestinians plan to ask the U.N. to recognize their independence in September.The move would be largely symbolic but the Palestinians hope it will pressure Israel to withdraw from captured territories they claim for a future state.

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Italy's financesTremonti in trouble
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Jul 7th 2011, 22:10 by J. H.

 

GIULIO TREMONTI is a crucial figure in Silvio Berlusconi¡Çs conservative government: a guarantor for the markets of the fiscal rigour that has so far kept Italy out of the debt crisis sweeping the euro zone periphery. Until now, moreover, Mr Tremonti has been untainted by the financial and sexual scandals that have besmirched the prime minister and several members of his administration.

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But on July 7th a scandal involving allegations of graft in high places came uncomfortably near his door. It was announced that judges in Naples had issued an arrest warrant for one Marco Milanese, a lawmaker accused of corruption who, until nine days earlier, was Mr Tremonti¡Çs political adviser and one of his closest associates. Worse was to come. Since Mr Milanese is a member of the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the Italian parliament, he cannot be arrested immediately and so the prosecutors have had to apply to parliament for leave to proceed.

¤·¤«¤·¡¢7·î7Æü¤Ë¹â´±¤Ë±÷¤±¤ë¼ýÏŤÎÄĽҤòȼ¤Ã¤¿¥¹¥­¥ã¥ó¥À¥ë¤¬Ìñ²ð¤À¤¬¡¢Èà¤Î¥É¥¢¤Î¶á¤¯¤Þ¤Ç¤ä¤Ã¤ÆÍ褿¡£¥Ê¥Ý¥ê¤ÎȽ»ö¤¬ Marco Milanese¤È¸À¤¦¿Í¤ËÂáÊáÎá¾õ¤ò½Ð¤·¤¿¤¬¡¢Èà¤Ï±ø¿¦¤Çµ¯Áʤµ¤ì¤¿µÄ°÷¤Ç¡¢9Æü´ÖÁ°¤Þ¤Ç¤Ï¥È¥ì¥â¥ó¥Æ¥£»á¤ÎÀ¯¼£¸ÜÌä¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¢Èà¤ÎºÇ¤â¦¶á¤ÎƱν¤Î°ì¿Í¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤¿¤È¸øɽ¤µ¤ì¤¿¡£¤µ¤é¤Ë°­¤¤¤³¤È¤Ë¡£Milanese»á¤Ï¥¤¥¿¥ê¥¢¹ñ²ñ¤Î²¼±¡¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡¢ÂåµÄ±¡¤ÎµÄ°÷¤Ê¤Î¤Ç¡¢Èà¤Ïľ¤Á¤ËÂáÊᤵ¤ì¤ë¤³¤È¤Ï½ÐÍ褺¡¢¸¡»ö¤ÏÁʾ٤òµ¯¤³¤¹°Ù¤Îµö²Ä¤òµÄ²ñ¤Ë¿½¤·½Ð¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤«¤Ã¤¿¡£

According to Italian media reports, the documents accompanying their request showed that Mr Milanese was paying the €8,500 ($12,200) a month rent on the apartment used by the finance minister in Rome. Shortly afterwards, Mr Tremonti issued a statement acknowledging that he had ¡Èaccepted the offer made to me by [Mr] Milanese for the temporary use of part of the property¡É. He said that, after finding out about the prosecutors¡Ç initiative, he would change his arrangements ¡Èas of this evening¡É.

¥¤¥¿¥ê¥¢¤Î¥Þ¥¹¥³¥ßÊóÆ»¤Ë¤è¤ì¤Ð¡¢Í×µá½ñ¤¬ÅºÉÕ¤µ¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤ë½ñÎà¤Ë¤è¤ì¤Ð¡¢¥ß¥é¥Í¡¼¥¼»á¤Ï¥í¡¼¥Þ¤Îºâ̳Âç¿Ã¤¬»ÈÍѤ·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¥Þ¥ó¥·¥ç¥ó¤Î·î¤Î²ÈÄ €8,500 ($12,200)¤ò»Ùʧ¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤¹¤°¸å¤Ç¡¢¥È¥ì¥â¥ó¥Æ¥£»á¤Ï¡ÖÈब¥ß¥é¥Í¡¼¥¼»á¤Î»ñ»º¤Î°ìÉô¤ò°ì»þŪ¤ËÍøÍѤ¹¤ë»Ý¤ÎÈफ¤é¤Î¿½¤·½Ð¤ò¼õ¤±Æþ¤ì¤¿¡×¤³¤È¤òǧ¤á¤ëʸ½ñ¤òȯɽ¤·¤¿¡£Èà¤Ï¸¡»ö¤Î¿·¤¿¤Ê¼è¤êÁȤߤòÃΤ俸å¤Ç¡¢¡Öº£Í¼¤Î»þÅÀ¤Ç¡×Èà¤Î¼è¤ê·è¤á¤òÊѹ¹¤¹¤ë¤À¤í¤¦¤È¸À¤Ã¤¿¡£

It remains to be seen whether that will be enough to distance him from a scandal that clearly has a long way yet to run. In an earlier statement of their own, the prosecutors said Marco Milanese was wanted on suspicion of having supplied confidential official information to a businessman in return for ¡Èsignificant cash payments and other gifts such as expensive watches, jewels, luxury cars (Ferrari and Bentley) and holidays abroad¡É. He was also alleged to have given jobs in firms controlled by the finance ministry to two other men in return for favours.

¤½¤Î¤³¤È¤¬¤³¤ì¤«¤é¹Ô¤ï¤ì¤ë¤³¤È¤Ë¤Ê¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ëÌÀ¤é¤«¤ËŤ¤Æ»¤Î¤ê¤¬¤¢¤ë¥¹¥­¥ã¥ó¥À¥ë¤«¤éÈà¤ò°ú¤­Î¥¤¹¤Î¤Ë½½Ê¬¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤«¤É¤¦¤«¤Ï¸½»þÅÀ¤Ç¤ÏÉÔÌÀ¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£È༫¿È¤Î°ÊÁ°¤Îȯɽ¤Ç¤Ï¤³¤Î¸¡»ö¤Ï¥Þ¥ë¥³¥ß¥é¥Í¡¼¥¼¤¬¥Ó¥¸¥Í¥¹¥Þ¥ó¤Ëµ¡Ì©¤Î¸ø¼°¾ðÊó¤òÄ󶡤·¡¢¤½¤Î¸«ÊÖ¤ê¤Ë¡¢¡Ö¤«¤Ê¤ê¤Î¸½¶â¤Î»Ùʧ¤¤¡¢¤½ ¤·¤Æ¡¢¹â²Á¤Ê»þ·×¡¢ÊõÀС¢¹ë²Ú¤Ê¼Ö¡Ê¥Õ¥§¥é¡¼¥ê¤½¤·¤Æ¥Ù¥ó¥È¥ì¡¼¡Ë¤½¤·¤Æ³¤³°Î¹¹Ô¤Î¤è¤¦¤Ê¾¤Î£Åú¤Ëµ¿ÏǤǻØ̾¼êÇÛ¤µ¤ì¤¿¤È¸À¤Ã¤¿¡£Èà¤Ï¤Þ¤¿¡¢Íø±×¤Î¸«ÊÖ¤ê¤È¤·¤Æ¡¢2¿Í¤Î¾¤ÎÃˤËÂФ·¤Æ¡¢ºâ̳Ĺ´±¤¬´ÉÍý¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë´ë¶È¤Î¿¦¤òÍ¿¤¨¤¿¤È¿½¤·Î©¤Æ¤é¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£

 

Caught on camera
The arrest warrant for Mr Milanese was the latest in a string of embarrassments for the finance minister this week. Earlier in the day, the web site of La Repubblica, a daily, made available a video recording of a press briefing by ministers in which Mr Tremonti was unwittingly caught describing one of his cabinet colleagues as a ¡Èmoron¡É.

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The briefing was held to provide details of a four-year, €40 billion package of deficit-cutting measures drawn up by the Treasury. On July 4th it was discovered the bill contained a measure—subsequently withdrawn—that would have allowed Fininvest, the core firm in Mr Berlusconi¡Çs business empire, to suspend the payment of compensation of up to €750 million. Mr Tremonti has since intimated that the clause was sneaked into the legislation by the prime minister¡Çs office. But Mr Berlusconi said it had been discussed in cabinet and that his finance minister had regarded it as ¡Èsacrosanct¡É.

µ­¼Ô²ñ¸«¤Ïºâ̳¾Ê¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤ÆºîÀ®¤µ¤ì¤¿£´Ç¯´Ö¤Î¡¢400²¯¥æ¡¼¥í¤ÎÀÖ»úºï¸ºÁ¼Ã֤Υѥ屡¼¥¸¤Î¾ÜºÙ¤òÄ󶡤¹¤ë°Ù¤Ë³«¤«¤ì¤¿¡£7·î4Æü¤Ë¤³¤ÎË¡°Æ¤Ë¤Ï¥Ù¥ë¥ë¥¹ ¥³¡¼¥Ë¤Î¥Ó¥¸¥Í¥¹Äë¹ñ¤Î¥³¥¢´ë¶È¤Ç¤¢¤ëFininvest¤Ë7²¯5ÀéËü¥æ¡¼¥í¤Þ¤Ç¤ÎÊä½þ¤Î»Ùʧ¤¤¤òÊÝα¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤¬½ÐÍè¤ë¤È¸À¤¦Á¼ÃÖ¤¬´Þ¤ó¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤³¤È¤¬È¯³Ð¤·¡¢¡¼ ½¾¤Ã¤Æ¡¢Å±²ó¤µ¤ì¤¿¡£¥È¥ì¥â¥ó¥Æ¥£»á¤Ï¤³¤Î¾ò¹à¤¬¼óÁê¤Î¼¹Ì³¼¼¤Ç¤³¤ÎË¡Îá¤ËÀø¤ê¤Þ¤µ¤ì¤¿¤È¤½¤Î¸å¡¢ÃΤ餵¤ì¤¿¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢¥Ù¥ë¥ë¥¹¥³¡¼¥Ë»á¤Ï¤½¤ì¤ÏÆâ³Õ¤ÇµÄÏÀ¤µ¤ì¡¢Èà¤Îºâ̳Âç¿Ã¤Ï¡ÖÈãȽ¤òµö¤µ¤Ê¤¤¤â¤Î¤À¡×¤È¸«¤Ê¤·¤¿¤È¸À¤Ã¤¿¡£

 

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13Æü´Ö¤Ë¤ï¤¿¤Ã¤¿¥¢¥á¥ê¥«·ûË¡¤Ïº£Æü¤Ç½ª¤ï¤ê¤À¡£¥ê¥Ó¥¢¡¢¥ª¥Ð¥Þ¥±¥¢¡¢ºÄ̳¾å¸Â¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢°Ü̱¡£¤³¤Î4¤Ä¤ò¼è¤ê¾å¤²¤ÆÍ褿¡£¡Öº£Æü¤Î·ûË¡¤ÎºÇ¸å¤Ë·ûË¡¤Ï²æ¡¹¤Î¼«Í³¤ÎÀº¿À¤òÊݸ¤Ê¤¤¡£¡¨²æ¡¹¤Î¼«Í³¤ÎÀº¿À¤Ï·ûË¡¤òÊݸ¤ë¡£¡×The Constitution does not protect our spirit of liberty; our spirit of liberty protects the Constitution.¤È¸À¤¦¤Î¤¬¤¢¤ë¡£¤³¤ì¤¬Èà¤é¤Î¸¶ÅÀ¤À¤È»×¤¦¡£¤¤¤í¤¤¤íµÄÏÀ¤·¤ÆÍ褿¤¬¡¢¤³¤Î¡Ö¼«Í³¤ÎÀº¿À¡×¤¬Èà¤é¤ÎÀº¿À¤À¡£


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¡ÖÈà¤é¤Ë¤È¤Ã¤Æ·ûË¡¤Ï°ìÏ¢¤Î¸¶Â§¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤Æ¡¤Ë¡¤Îµ¬ÈϤǤϤʤ«¤Ã¤¿¡£Ë¡¤Îµ¬ÈϤȤϤ¢¤Ê¤¿¤ÏÀÖ¿®¹æ¤Ç¤Ï»ß¤Þ¤é¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¤È¸À¤¦»ö¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤¬¡¤·ûË¡¤Ï¹­ÈϤʸ¶Â§¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¤ ÉáÊפǤϤ¢¤ë¤¬¡¤¿·¤·¤¤À¤Âå¤È´Ä¶­¤½¤ì¤¾¤ì¤ËŬ±þ¤·¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¡£¡×

For them, it was a set of principles, not a code of laws. A code of laws says you have to stop at the red light; a constitution has broad principles that are unchanging but that must accommodate each new generation and circumstance.

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There is an old Latin phrase, inter arma enim silent leges, which roughly translates as "in time of war, the Constitution is silent." But it's not just in times of war that the Constitution is silent. The Constitution is silent much of the time. And that's a good thing. Two hundred twenty-three years after it was written, the Constitution is more a guardrail for our society than a traffic cop. The Constitution works so well precisely because it is so opaque, so general, so open to various interpretations.

ÀΤΥé¥Æ¥ó¸ì¤Î´·ÍѶç¤Ë inter arma enim silent leges¤È¸À¤¦¤Î¤¬¤¢¤ë¤¬¡¢Â绨ÇĤËËÝÌõ¤¹¤ë¤È¡¢¡ÖÀïÁè¤Î»þ¤Ë¤Ï·ûË¡¤ÏÄÀÌÛ¤¹¤ë¡£¡×¤·¤«¤·¡¢·ûË¡¤¬ÄÀÌÛ¤¹¤ë¤Î¤ÏÀïÁè¤Î¤È¤­¤À¤±¤Ç¤Ï¤Ê¤¤¡£·ûË¡¤ÏÂçÄñ¤Î¤È ¤­¤ÏÄÀÌÛ¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢¤½¤ì¤ÏÎɤ¤»ö¤À¡£¤³¤ì¤¬½ñ¤«¤ì¤Æ¤«¤é223ǯ¤¬·Ð¤Á¡¤·ûË¡¤Ï¸òÄÌÀ°Íý¤Î·Ù´±¤è¤ê¤â²æ¡¹¤Î¼Ò²ñ¤Î¥¬¡¼¥É¥ì¡¼¥ë¤Ë¤Ê¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£·ûË¡¤Ï¤¢¤Þ¤ê¤Ë¤è¤¯µ¡Ç½¤·¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¤¤À¤«¤é¤³¤½¡¢¤½¤ì¤ÏÍÍ¡¹¤Ê²ò¼á¼Ô¤ËÂФ·¤Æ¡¢¤¢¤Þ¤ê¤ËÉÔÆ©ÌÀ¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¤¤¢¤Þ¤ê¤Ë³µ³çŪ¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¤¤¢¤Þ¤ê¤Ë³«¤«¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤«¤é¤À¡£

Originalists contend that the Constitution has a clear, fixed meaning. But the framers argued vehemently about its meaning. For them, it was a set of principles, not a code of laws. A code of laws says you have to stop at the red light; a constitution has broad principles that are unchanging but that must accommodate each new generation and circumstance.

µ¯Áð¼Ô¤Î°Õ»×¤ò½Å»ë¤¹¤ë¿Í¤¿¤Á¤Ï·ûË¡¤ÏÌÀÇò¤Ç¡¤·è¤Þ¤Ã¤¿°ÕÌ£¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤È¼çÄ¥¤¹¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢µ¯Áð¼Ôã¤Ï¤³¤Î°ÕÌ£¤Ë¤Ä¤¤¤ÆÇ®¿´¤ËµÄÏÀ¤·¤¿¡£Èà¤é¤Ë¤È¤Ã¤Æ·ûË¡ ¤Ï°ìÏ¢¤Î¸¶Â§¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤Æ¡¤Ë¡¤Îµ¬ÈϤǤϤʤ«¤Ã¤¿¡£Ë¡¤Îµ¬ÈϤȤϤ¢¤Ê¤¿¤ÏÀÖ¿®¹æ¤Ç¤Ï»ß¤Þ¤é¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¤È¸À¤¦»ö¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤¬¡¤·ûË¡¤Ï¹­ÈϤʸ¶Â§¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¤ ÉáÊפǤϤ¢¤ë¤¬¡¤¿·¤·¤¤À¤Âå¤È´Ä¶­¤½¤ì¤¾¤ì¤ËŬ±þ¤·¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¡£

We can pat ourselves on the back about the past 223 years, but we cannot let the Constitution become an obstacle to the U.S.'s moving into the future with a sensible health care system, a globalized economy, an evolving sense of civil and political rights. The Constitution, as Martin Luther King Jr. said in his great speech on the Mall, is a promissory note. That note had not been fulfilled for African Americans. But I would say the Constitution remains a promissory note, one in which "We the People" in each generation try to create that more perfect union.

²æ¡¹¤Ï²áµî¤Î223ǯ´Ö¤Ë¤Ä¤¤¤Æ¼«²è¼«»¿¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤Ï¤Ç¤­¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢²æ¡¹¤ÏʬÊ̤Τ¢¤ë·ò¹¯°åÎÅ¥·¥¹¥Æ¥à¡¢¥°¥í¡¼¥Ð¥ë²½¤µ¤ì¤¿·ÐºÑ¡¢»Ô̱¤ÈÀ¯¼£¤Î¸¢Íø¤Î¿Ê²½¤·¤Ä¤Ä¤¢¤ë´¶³Ð¤Ø¤È¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¤¬Æ°¤¤¤Æ¹Ô¤¯ºÝ¤Ë¡¢²æ¡¹¤Ï·ûË¡¤¬¤½¤ì¤òÁ˳²¤¹¤ë¤è¤¦¤Ë¤Ê¤Ã¤Æ¤Ï¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¡£¤³¤Î·ûË¡¤ÏMartin Luther King Jr.¤¬¥Ê¥·¥ç¥Ê¥ë¡¦¥â¡¼¥ë¤Ç¤ÎÈà¤Î°ÎÂç¤Ê±éÀâ¤Ç¸À¤Ã¤¿¤è¤¦¤Ë¡¢Ìó«¼ê·Á¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¤½¤Î¼ê·Á¤Ï¥¢¥Õ¥ê¥«·Ï¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¿Í¤Î¤¿¤á¤Ë¼Â¸½¤µ¤ì¤Æ¤³¤Ê¤«¤Ã¤¿¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢»ä¤Ï·ûË¡¤¬ÁêÊѤï¤é¤ºÌó«¼ê·Á¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤È¸À¤ª¤¦¡£¤½¤Î¼ê·Á¤ÎÃæ¤Ç¤Ï³ÆÀ¤Âå¤Î¡Ö²æ¡¹¡¢¹ṉ̃¡×¤¬¤½¤Î¤è¤ê´°Á´¤ÊÏ¢¹ç¤òºî¤í¤¦¤È¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£

A constitution in and of itself guarantees nothing. Bolshevik Russia had a constitution, as did Nazi Germany. Cuba and Libya have constitutions. A constitution must embody something that is in the hearts of the people. In the midst of World War II, the great judge Learned Hand gave a speech in New York City's Central Park that came to be known as "The Spirit of Liberty." It was a dark time, with freedom and liberty under threat in Europe. Hand noted that we are Americans by choice, not birth.

·ûË¡¤½¤ì¼«ÂΤϲ¿¤âÊݾڤϤ·¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤¡£¥Ü¥ë¥·¥§¥Ó¥­¤Î¥í¥·¥¢¤Ç¤Ï¥Ê¥Á¥É¥¤¥Ä¤¬»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤¿¤è¤¦¤Ê·ûË¡¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤¿¡£Cuba¤ÈLibya¤Ï·ûË¡¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£·ûË¡¤Ï¿Í¡¹¤Î¿´¤ËÃæ¤Ë¤¢¤ë¤â¤Î¤ò¶ñ¾Ý²½¤·¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¡£ÂèÆó¼¡À¤³¦ÂçÀï¤ÎºÇÃæ¤Ë°ÎÂç¤ÊȽ»ö¤ÎLearned Hand¤¬¥Ë¥å¡¼¥è¡¼¥¯¤Î¥»¥ó¥È¥é¥ë¥Ñ¡¼¥¯¤Ç±éÀâ¤ò¹Ô¤¤¡¢¡Ö¼«Í³¤ÎÀº¿À¡×¤È¤·¤ÆÃΤé¤ì¤ë¤è¤¦¤Ë¤Ê¤Ã¤¿¡£¤½¤ì¤Ï°Å¤¤»þÂå¤À¤Ã¤¿¡£¥è¡¼¥í¥Ã¥Ñ¤ÎÃæ¤Ç¤Î¶¼°Ò¤«¤é¼«Í³¤È²òÊü¤òµá¤á¤Æ¡£Hand¤Ï²æ¡¹¤Ï¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¿Í¤òÁªÂò¤·¤¿¤Î¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤Æ¡¢½ÐÀ¸¤Ç¤Ï¤Ê¤¤¤È¸À¤Ã¤¿¡£

That we are Americans precisely because we seek liberty and freedom — not only freedom from oppression but freedom of speech and belief and action. "What do we mean when we say that first of all we seek liberty?" he asked. "I often wonder whether we do not rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon laws and upon courts. These are false hopes; believe me, these are false hopes. Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women; when it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court can even do much to help it."

¤È¸À¤¦»ö¤Ç¡¤²æ¡¹¤¬¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¿Í¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¢¤À¤«¤é¤³¤½¡¢²æ¡¹¤¬²òÊü¤È¼«Í³¤òµá¤á¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤Î¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¡¼ ÍÞ°µ¤«¤é¤Î¼«Í³¤À¤±¤Ç¤Ê¤¯¡¢¸ÀÏÀ¡¤¿®¾ò¤ä¹ÔÆ°¤Î¼«Í³¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¡Ö¤Þ¤ºÂè°ì¤Ë²æ¡¹¤¬¼«Í³¤òµá¤á¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤È¸À¤¦»þ¤Ë²æ¡¹¤Ï²¿¤ò°ÕÌ£¤¹¤ë¤Î¤«¡©¡×¤ÈÈà¤Ï¿Ò¤Í¤¿¡£ ²æ¡¹¤Ï·ûË¡¤ä¡¤Ë¡Î§¡¢ºÛȽ½ê¤Ë¤¢¤Þ¤ê´õ˾¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤¤Î¤Ç¤Ï¤Ê¤¤¤«¤È»ä¤Ï¤·¤Ð¤·¤Ðµ¿¤¦¡£¸«Åö°ã¤¤¤Î´õ˾¤¬¤¢¤ë¡£¡¨»ä¤ò¿®¤¸¤Æ¤Û¤·¤¤¡£¸«Åö°ã¤¤¤Î´õ˾¤¬¤¢¤ë¡£¼«Í³¤ÏÃˤȽ÷¤Î¿´¤ÎÃæ¤Ë¤¢¤ë¡£¡¨»à¤ó¤À¤é¡¤·ûË¡¤â¡¤Ë¡Î§¤â¡¤ºÛȽ½ê¤â²¿¤ÎÌò¤Ë¤âΩ¤¿¤Ê¤¤¡£¡×

The Constitution does not protect our spirit of liberty; our spirit of liberty protects the Constitution. The Constitution serves the nation; the nation does not serve the Constitution.

That's what the framers would say. With reporting by Andrea Ford

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I've always thought it odd that a nation united not by blood or religion or ethnic identity but by certain extraordinary ideas is a nation where citizenship is conferred on the basis of where you were physically born. It's equally strange to me that a nation that was forged through immigration — and is still formed by immigration — is also a nation that makes it constitutionally impossible for someone who was not physically born here to run for President. (Yes, the framers had their reasons for that, but those reasons have long since vanished.)

¹ñ²È¤¬·ìÅý¤ä½¡¶µ¤ä̱²¤¬Æ±°ì¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤³¤È¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤Æ¤Ç¤Ï¤Ê¤¯¡¢¤¢¤ëÆüì¤Ê¹Í¤¨Êý¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤ÆÅý¹ç¤µ¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤ë¹ñ²È¤¬¡¢ ¤¢¤Ê¤¿¤¬ÊªÍýŪ¤ËÀ¸¤Þ¤ì¤¿¤È¤³¤í¤Ë´ð¤Å¤¤¤Æ¹ñÀÒ¤¬Í¿¤¨¤é¤ì¤ë¹ñ²È¤Ç¤¢¤ë¤È¸À¤¦¤³¤È¤ÏÊѤǤ¢¤ë¤È»ä¤Ï¤¤¤Ä¤â»×¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤½¤ì¤ÈÅù¤·¤¯»ä¤¬ÊѤ˻פäƤ¤¤ë¤Î¤Ï °Ü̱¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤Æºî¤ê½Ð¤µ¤ì¤¿¹ñ²È¤Ç¤¢¤ê¡¢¡¼ ¤½¤·¤Æ¤Þ¤À°Ü̱¤Ë¤è¤Ã¤Æ·ÁÀ®¤µ¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¢¡¼ ·ûË¡¾å¡¢ÊªÍýŪ¤Ë¡¢¤³¤³¤ÇÀ¸¤Þ¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤¿Í¤¬ÂçÅýÎΤò¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤¬½ÐÍè¤Ê¤¤¹ñ²È¤Ç¤â¤¢¤ë¡£¡Ê¤½¤¦¤À¡¢¤³¤Îµ¯Áð¼Ôã¤Ï¤½¤ì¤ËÂФ·¤Æ´ö¤Ä¤«¤ÎÍýͳ¤¬¤¢¤Ã¤¿¤Î¤À ¤¬¡¢¤½¤ì¤é¤ÎÍýͳ¤ÏŤ¤´Ö¤Î¤¦¤Á¤Ë¾Ã¤¨¤Æ¤·¤Þ¤Ã¤¿¡£¡Ë

Critics of birthright citizenship argue that people come here to give birth — and some do — and that the U.S. has a rash of anchor babies who then get all kinds of rights for their families. But the law says the parents of such a child must wait till she is 21 for her to be allowed to sponsor them to live and work legally in the U.S., and research shows that the vast majority of children of illegal immigrants are born years after the mother and father have arrived in the U.S.  But even so, it's a problem.

À¸ÆÀ¸¢¤Î¹ñÀÒ¤òÈãȽ¤¹¤ë¿Í¤¿¤Á¤Ï¤³¤³¤Ë½Ð»º¤·¤Ë¤¯¤ë¿Í¤¿¤Á¡¼ ¤½¤·¤Æ´ö¿Í¤«¤Ï¤½¤¦¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤¬¡¼ ¤½¤·¤Æ¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¤Ïºßαµö²Ä¤Î°Ù¤ÎÀÖ¤óË·¤¬ÉÑȯ¤·¤Æ¤¤¤Æ¡¢¤½¤Î»Ò㤬ÈàÅù¤Î²È²¤Î¤¢¤é¤æ¤ë¸¢Íø¤òÆÀ¤ë¤³¤È¤Ë¤Ê¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢¤³¤ÎˡΧ¤Ï¤½¤Î¤è¤¦¤Ê»Ò¶¡¤Î¿Æ¤¬¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¤Ç¹çˡŪ¤ËÀ¸³è¤·Æ¯¤±¤ë¤³¤È¤òÊݾڤǤ­¤ë¤è¤¦¤Ë¤Ê¤ë¤Î¤ÏÈà½÷¤¬21ºÍ¤Ë¤Ê¤ë¤Þ¤ÇÂÔ¤¿¤Ê¤±¤ì¤Ð¤Ê¤é¤Ê¤¤¡£¤½¤·¤Æ¡¢Ä´ºº¤Ç¤ÏÉÔË¡°Ü̱¤Î»Ò¶¡Ã£¤Î¶Ë¤á¤ÆÂç¿¿ô¤Ï¤½¤ÎÊì¿Æ¤äÉã¿Æ¤¬¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¤ËÃ夤¤¿¸å¤Î¿ôǯ¤ÇÀ¸¤Þ¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤ë¤³¤È¤ò¼¨¤·¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢¤½¤¦¤Ç¤¢¤Ã¤¿¤È¤·¤Æ¤â¡¢ÌäÂê¤À¡£

There are liberals and conservatives alike who oppose changing birthright citizenship. It's seen as a core American value. It is important to African Americans as well as Hispanic Americans. But it is an outmoded law. However, changing the birthright citizenship law would not end immigration or even slow it. Most illegal immigrants are economic immigrants.

À¸ÆÀ¸¢¤Î¹ñÀÒ¤òÊѹ¹¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤ËÈ¿ÂФ¹¤ë¥ê¥Ù¥é¥ê¥¹¥È¤äƱÍͤËÊݼéÇɤ¬¤¤¤ë¡£¤½¤ì¤Ï¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¿Í¤ÎÃæ³Ë¤Î²ÁÃʹѤΤ褦¤Ë»×¤ï¤ì¤ë¡£¥é¥Æ¥ó¥¢¥á¥ê¥«·Ï¥¢ ¥á¥ê¥«¿Í¤ÈƱÍͤˡ¢¥¢¥Õ¥ê¥«·Ï¥¢¥á¥ê¥«¿Í¤Ë¤È¤Ã¤Æ¤½¤ì¤Ï½ÅÍפǤ¢¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¡¢¤½¤ì¤Ïή¹ÔÃÙ¤ì¤ÎˡΧ¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£¤·¤«¤·¤Ê¤¬¤é¡¢À¸ÆÀ¸¢¤Î¹ñÀÒË¡¤òÊѹ¹¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤Ï°Ü̱¤ò½ª¤ï¤ê¤Ë¤·¤¿¤ê¡¢¤â¤·¤¯¤Ï¤½¤ì¤ò´Ë¤ä¤«¤Ë¤¹¤ë¤³¤È¤µ¤¨¤·¤Ê¤¤¤À¤í¤¦¡£Â¿¤¯¤Î°Ü̱ã¤Ï·ÐºÑ°Ü̱¤À¡£

Arizona and now Georgia have passed laws designed to decrease illegal immigration by making it a crime for illegal immigrants not to carry documentation and by giving the police broad powers to detain anyone suspected of being in the country illegally without such documents. A federal district court struck down certain provisions in the Arizona bill.

¥¢¥ê¥¾¥Ê½£¤½¤·¤Æº£¥¸¥ç¡¼¥¸¥¢½£¤ÏÉÔË¡°Ü̱¤òºï¸º¤¹¤ë°Ù¤Ë°Õ¿Þ¤µ¤ì¤¿Ë¡Î§¤ò¾µÇ§¤·¤Æ¤­¤¿¡£½ñÎà¤ò»ý¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤ÉÔË¡°Ü̱¤òÈȺá¼Ô¤È¤·¡¢¤½¤Î¤è¤¦¤Ê½ñÎà¤ò½ê»ý¤·¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤¡¢ÉÔË¡¤Ë¹ñÆâ¤Ë¤¤¤ë¤³¤È¤¬µ¿¤ï¤ì¤ë¿Í¤Ïï¤Ç¤â¸ûα¤¹¤ëÉý¹­¤¤¸¢¸Â¤ò·Ù»¡¤ËÍ¿¤¨¤¿¡£Ï¢Ë®Ã϶èºÛȽ½ê¤Ï¥¢¥ê¥¾¥Ê½£Ë¡¤ÎÆÃÄê¤Î¾ò¹à¤ò̵¸ú¤È¤·¤¿¡£

There may well be parts of these bills that are unconstitutional, but it's unclear what the rights of illegal immigrants are as opposed to those of citizens. The U.S. needs to take a carrot-and-stick approach to illegal immigration. Many progressives and business leaders agree that we need to make legal immigration easier, grant legal status to undocumented young people who enter college or join the military, and staple a green card to every engineering degree earned by a foreign-born national. That's the carrot. The stick is that we need better workplace enforcement, a reasonable standard for policing and more secure borders. We need to make legal immigration easier, faster and cheaper so that illegal immigration becomes harder and less desirable.

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