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When he managed a river, deadly flooding ensued. He was fired—then given another job. When he oversaw trade with foreigners in Tianjin, an important port, there was a horrific massacre of French clerics. He was fired again—and promptly sent to France as an imperial envoy. Less than three years later he was promoted to the emperor¡Çs side in Beijing, as one of a team of advisers that botched an entanglement with Japan. How did this man keep getting work?
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The unorthodox path
Accounts of the fall of empires often focus on the monstrous egos, vanities and excesses of out-of-touch dictators. This is a humbler tale, of the unsung role of an incompetent functionary who helped speed an empire to its demise.
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monstrous¡§µðÂç¤Ê
Vanity¡§¤¦¤Ì¤Ü¤ì
out-of-touch ¡§¸½¼ÂÎ¥¤ì¤·¤¿
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humble¡§¤·¤¬¤Ê¤¤¡¿¤µ¤µ¤ä¤«¤Ê
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functionary¡§Ìò¿Í
demise¡§Êø¸æ
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Chonghou chose the right parents in life and a good era to be born. True, the year 1826 was not the best moment to arrive if you wanted glory in the Qing dynasty: that was a century earlier. But it was an excellent time to embark on a life of privilege. The empire was in a state of decay—a highly exploitable condition. The Qing regime still saw itself as supreme on the planet, because for so long it had evidently been so. But corruption and a costly rebellion had weakened the dynasty. Before Chonghou came of age, the Qing would suffer its first great humiliation at the hands of foreigners, the first Opium War, and be forced to pay a huge indemnity to Britain. From 1850 the country was in the grip of another costly uprising, the Taiping Rebellion, which would nearly bring down the empire.
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supreme¡§ºÇ¹â°Ì¤Î
corruption¡§ÉåÇÔ
rebellion¡§È¿Íð
come of age¡§À®Ç¯¤Ë㤹¤ë
first Opium War¡§Âè°ì¼¡¥¢¥Ø¥óÀïÁè
indemnity¡§Êä½þ¶â
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Taiping Rebellion¡§ÂÀÊ¿Å·¹ñ¤ÎÍð
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The dynasty¡Çs weakness was not immediately obvious to young Chonghou, whose family had served the emperor for generations. He wanted to serve, too. He knew he had been born well, that he had been ¡Èrewarded heavily¡É in life and ¡Èshould return the favour¡É, as he observes in his family¡Çs authorised biography of his life. ¡ÈHow can I repay my fatherly emperor?¡É When, in the 1850s, his time came, the Qing were constantly in need of money, and as corrupt as ever. The Manchu court still ostensibly relied on a Confucian exam system to make appointments. But it also needed officials it could trust, and who could be financially useful.
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authorised ¡§¸¢¸Â¤òÍ¿¤¨¤é¤ì¤¿
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This all favoured Chonghou. His father was a senior Manchu official, as was his older brother. Both had passed the toughest imperial exam, the metropolitan test held once every three years in Beijing, putting them in a rarefied elite of jinshi degree-holders. For generations before Chonghou¡Çs time, with a few exceptions only jinshi were qualified to become high officials. And only a tiny subset of jinshi were Manchu bannermen, kinsfolk of the emperor. This select club helped rule China for centuries.
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The unorthodox path
Accounts of the fall of empires often focus on the monstrous egos, vanities and excesses of out-of-touch dictators. This is a humbler tale, of the unsung role of an incompetent functionary who helped speed an empire to its demise.
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monstrous¡§µðÂç¤Ê
Vanity¡§¤¦¤Ì¤Ü¤ì
out-of-touch ¡§¸½¼ÂÎ¥¤ì¤·¤¿
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humble¡§¤·¤¬¤Ê¤¤¡¿¤µ¤µ¤ä¤«¤Ê
unsung¡§Í̾¤Ç¤Ê¤¤¡¿¾Î»¿¤µ¤ì¤Æ¤¤¤Ê¤¤
functionary¡§Ìò¿Í
demise¡§Êø¸æ
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Chonghou chose the right parents in life and a good era to be born. True, the year 1826 was not the best moment to arrive if you wanted glory in the Qing dynasty: that was a century earlier. But it was an excellent time to embark on a life of privilege. The empire was in a state of decay—a highly exploitable condition. The Qing regime still saw itself as supreme on the planet, because for so long it had evidently been so. But corruption and a costly rebellion had weakened the dynasty. Before Chonghou came of age, the Qing would suffer its first great humiliation at the hands of foreigners, the first Opium War, and be forced to pay a huge indemnity to Britain. From 1850 the country was in the grip of another costly uprising, the Taiping Rebellion, which would nearly bring down the empire.
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decay¡§ÉåÇÔ
exploitable¡§ºñ¼è¤Ç¤¤ë¡¿ÍøÍѲÄǽ¤Ê
supreme¡§ºÇ¹â°Ì¤Î
corruption¡§ÉåÇÔ
rebellion¡§È¿Íð
come of age¡§À®Ç¯¤Ë㤹¤ë
first Opium War¡§Âè°ì¼¡¥¢¥Ø¥óÀïÁè
indemnity¡§Êä½þ¶â
in the grip¡§¤ËÊá¤ï¤ì¤Æ
uprising¡§È¿Íð
Taiping Rebellion¡§ÂÀÊ¿Å·¹ñ¤ÎÍð
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The dynasty¡Çs weakness was not immediately obvious to young Chonghou, whose family had served the emperor for generations. He wanted to serve, too. He knew he had been born well, that he had been ¡Èrewarded heavily¡É in life and ¡Èshould return the favour¡É, as he observes in his family¡Çs authorised biography of his life. ¡ÈHow can I repay my fatherly emperor?¡É When, in the 1850s, his time came, the Qing were constantly in need of money, and as corrupt as ever. The Manchu court still ostensibly relied on a Confucian exam system to make appointments. But it also needed officials it could trust, and who could be financially useful.
reward¡§Êó½·¤òÍ¿¤¨¤ë
authorised ¡§¸¢¸Â¤òÍ¿¤¨¤é¤ì¤¿
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ostensibly¡§É½¸þ¤¤Ï
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This all favoured Chonghou. His father was a senior Manchu official, as was his older brother. Both had passed the toughest imperial exam, the metropolitan test held once every three years in Beijing, putting them in a rarefied elite of jinshi degree-holders. For generations before Chonghou¡Çs time, with a few exceptions only jinshi were qualified to become high officials. And only a tiny subset of jinshi were Manchu bannermen, kinsfolk of the emperor. This select club helped rule China for centuries.
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jinshi degree¡§¿Ê»Î¹æ
bannerman¡§´ú¼ê
kinsfolk¡§°ì²
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China's worst diplomat
The fall guy
Bad emperors get all the credit for crumbling dynasties. What of the incompetent functionaries who do all the work?
Dec 21st 2013 | From the print edition
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get all the credit for ¡§¤Î¸ùÀÓ¤òÆȤêÀê¤á¤¹¤ë
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IT WAS the summer of 1880. In China¡Çs rugged north-west, Russian soldiers were skirmishing with Chinese forces. In the seas to the east, the tsar¡Çs navy was approaching Chinese waters. Thousands of Chinese troops were dispatched to Tianjin, near the capital, Beijing, where an army was mobilising for a war the Qing empire did not wish to fight. Considering that China and Russia had just negotiated a treaty, things were not going terribly well.
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In Beijing the blame for all of this was falling heavily on the head of one plump, bewhiskered gentleman, Wanyan Chonghou. A wealthy nobleman and formerly a trusted confidant of the imperial family, Chonghou, then 54, was in prison awaiting decapitation. He had been sentenced to death, essentially for the crime of being China¡Çs worst ever diplomat. Sent to Russia to extract concessions from the tsar, he made them instead.
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The Qing had negotiated humiliating treaties before, but that had been at the barrel of a gun. This was a different kind of indignity, achieved by way of incompetence and naivety. The empress dowager Cixi (pictured below), who for a second time held power while a young boy sat on the throne, refused to abide by the treaty, and her court condemned Chonghou for treason.
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A ¡Èwar party¡É agitated for his death. Foreign diplomats, meanwhile, pleaded for his life. Many feared that if Chonghou were executed, Russia would invade, or that a newly bellicose China would also reject its ¡Èunequal treaties¡É with the West, inciting new conflicts. Chonghou had so thoroughly failed as a peacemaker that the only thing keeping him alive was the threat of war.
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One man¡Çs life hung in the balance. But should the defendant have been Chonghou or the dynasty that made him? What is strangest about the case of China¡Çs worst diplomat is that he was given this fateful mission at all. For he had bungled things before.
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China's worst diplomat
The fall guy
Bad emperors get all the credit for crumbling dynasties. What of the incompetent functionaries who do all the work?
Dec 21st 2013 | From the print edition
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IT WAS the summer of 1880. In China¡Çs rugged north-west, Russian soldiers were skirmishing with Chinese forces. In the seas to the east, the tsar¡Çs navy was approaching Chinese waters. Thousands of Chinese troops were dispatched to Tianjin, near the capital, Beijing, where an army was mobilising for a war the Qing empire did not wish to fight. Considering that China and Russia had just negotiated a treaty, things were not going terribly well.
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In Beijing the blame for all of this was falling heavily on the head of one plump, bewhiskered gentleman, Wanyan Chonghou. A wealthy nobleman and formerly a trusted confidant of the imperial family, Chonghou, then 54, was in prison awaiting decapitation. He had been sentenced to death, essentially for the crime of being China¡Çs worst ever diplomat. Sent to Russia to extract concessions from the tsar, he made them instead.
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The Qing had negotiated humiliating treaties before, but that had been at the barrel of a gun. This was a different kind of indignity, achieved by way of incompetence and naivety. The empress dowager Cixi (pictured below), who for a second time held power while a young boy sat on the throne, refused to abide by the treaty, and her court condemned Chonghou for treason.
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A ¡Èwar party¡É agitated for his death. Foreign diplomats, meanwhile, pleaded for his life. Many feared that if Chonghou were executed, Russia would invade, or that a newly bellicose China would also reject its ¡Èunequal treaties¡É with the West, inciting new conflicts. Chonghou had so thoroughly failed as a peacemaker that the only thing keeping him alive was the threat of war.
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One man¡Çs life hung in the balance. But should the defendant have been Chonghou or the dynasty that made him? What is strangest about the case of China¡Çs worst diplomat is that he was given this fateful mission at all. For he had bungled things before.
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Mr Abe made his first move to toughen the country¡Çs defensive posture with a white paper released in July that accused China of taking ¡Èdangerous actions¡É in the East China Sea. As part of Mr Abe¡Çs new security apparatus, a recently formed national-security council met for the first time last week. Last week¡Çs document, which Mr Abe calls an ¡Èhistoric¡É step, promises that Japan will respond ¡Ècalmly and resolutely to the rapid expansion and step-up of China¡Çs maritime and air activities¡É. It characterises North Korea as a ¡Ègrave and imminent threat¡É. The document also calls for the cultivation of ¡Èlove of country¡É among the Japanese, and for ¡Èexpanding security education¡É in the country¡Çs universities. China¡Çs foreign ministry responded this week by criticising Japan¡Çs ¡Èhyping of the China threat¡É.
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Dec 16th 2013, 8:17 by T.B. | TOKYO
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THE TIMING could hardly have been better. Japan published drafts of its first-ever national-security strategy, together with a review of its future military needs, on December 11th; the final versions are due this week. The strategy is to harden the country¡Çs defence posture, and it comes just weeks after China declared a new air-defence zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea which covers the islands that Japan administers and calls the Senkakus (which China claims for its own and calls the Diaoyus).
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Japan¡Çs government had been delighted with America¡Çs muscular response to the Chinese ADIZ. Its ally sent two B-52 bombers to fly through the zone with no notification to China. But America did not go as far as Japanese officials would have liked, in that it stopped short of demanding the ADIZ be scrapped. That hesitation played on a long-held fear that America might not commit its military might to defending the Senkakus, even if the need should arise. Though they are but a few uninhabited specks of rock, they are covered by the Japanese-American mutual-defence treaty. Now Japan must quickly ¡Èstrengthen its own capabilities and expand its own roles¡É, urges the draft strategy paper, even as it pursues closer military ties with America.
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In a weekend meeting in Tokyo with leaders from South-East Asia, Japan¡Çs prime minister, Shinzo Abe, suggested his guests should consider China¡Çs establishment of the ADIZ in the East China Sea as a matter of concern for their entire region. Many of the South-East Asian states have tetchy relations with China over questions of sovereignty in the South China Sea. China¡Çs foreign ministry responded on December 15th by accusing Japan of ¡Èmalicious slander¡É.
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Malice or not, Japan¡Çs strategy is in effect a five-year plan for a military build-up. The most noteworthy additions to Japan¡Çs defence capability are to be aimed at further strengthening its sea and air control of the space around the disputed islets. A second unit of 20 F-15 fighter jets will be deployed at Naha air base on the southern island of Okinawa, near to the Senkakus. Early-warning aircraft will be deployed to Naha from Japan¡Çs north, and the Self-Defence Forces will add new unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, to its air force. To take back the islands in case of Chinese invasion, Japan will form its own version of America¡Çs Marine Corps. Shigeru Ishiba, the secretary-general of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and a former defence minister, recently said it was ¡Èunbelievable¡É that Japan does possess such an amphibious force.
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Japan and national security Island defence
Dec 16th 2013, 8:17 by T.B. | TOKYO
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THE TIMING could hardly have been better. Japan published drafts of its first-ever national-security strategy, together with a review of its future military needs, on December 11th; the final versions are due this week. The strategy is to harden the country¡Çs defence posture, and it comes just weeks after China declared a new air-defence zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea which covers the islands that Japan administers and calls the Senkakus (which China claims for its own and calls the Diaoyus).
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Japan¡Çs government had been delighted with America¡Çs muscular response to the Chinese ADIZ. Its ally sent two B-52 bombers to fly through the zone with no notification to China. But America did not go as far as Japanese officials would have liked, in that it stopped short of demanding the ADIZ be scrapped. That hesitation played on a long-held fear that America might not commit its military might to defending the Senkakus, even if the need should arise. Though they are but a few uninhabited specks of rock, they are covered by the Japanese-American mutual-defence treaty. Now Japan must quickly ¡Èstrengthen its own capabilities and expand its own roles¡É, urges the draft strategy paper, even as it pursues closer military ties with America.
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In a weekend meeting in Tokyo with leaders from South-East Asia, Japan¡Çs prime minister, Shinzo Abe, suggested his guests should consider China¡Çs establishment of the ADIZ in the East China Sea as a matter of concern for their entire region. Many of the South-East Asian states have tetchy relations with China over questions of sovereignty in the South China Sea. China¡Çs foreign ministry responded on December 15th by accusing Japan of ¡Èmalicious slander¡É.
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Malice or not, Japan¡Çs strategy is in effect a five-year plan for a military build-up. The most noteworthy additions to Japan¡Çs defence capability are to be aimed at further strengthening its sea and air control of the space around the disputed islets. A second unit of 20 F-15 fighter jets will be deployed at Naha air base on the southern island of Okinawa, near to the Senkakus. Early-warning aircraft will be deployed to Naha from Japan¡Çs north, and the Self-Defence Forces will add new unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, to its air force. To take back the islands in case of Chinese invasion, Japan will form its own version of America¡Çs Marine Corps. Shigeru Ishiba, the secretary-general of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and a former defence minister, recently said it was ¡Èunbelievable¡É that Japan does possess such an amphibious force.
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Phase two came with Western funding of revolutionary movements made up of internet activists, NGOs and human rights agitators, whose seditious scheming helped spawn the Arab spring. As Arab regimes toppled helter-skelter, Western powers swept in to magnify the disorder.
In Libya, NATO bombs obliterated another Arab army, even as Western arms fed the competing militias which have carved up what was left of the Libyan state.
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The plan for Syria was different, but equally devastating. Western powers encouraged its people to revolt, but instead of promoting victory over the regime they have drip-fed the opposition with just enough ammunition to sustain a ghastly civil war. The result has been the destruction of yet another Arab army, the creation of a crippling humanitarian disaster, the deepening of sectarian schisms and the evisceration of another Arab country.
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The ultimate target of this plot, so the conspiracy theorists explain, is Egypt itself, the Arabs' most populous, strategic and culturally influential Arab state. Having achieved the fall of Hosni Mubarak in the revolution of 2011, Western agents fomented strife between Muslims and Christians. Secretly, America formed an alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood in the hope that once in power, the Brothers would subdue Egypt's army. Indeed, the Americans planned to use the Brothers as a spearhead across the region, undermining governments and curtailing intellectual, scientific and economic progress everywhere.
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But in June of this year the Egyptian people rose up to fend off this plot by overthrowing President Muhammad Morsi and his cabal of Brotherhood plotters. Now, under army leadership and with the backing of wealthy Arab allies in the Gulf, Egypt will lead a revival of Arab power. Among subscribers to this vast conspiracy theory, views vary, particularly regarding Western motives. For some it is obviously all about Israel, with its Western allies simply picking off its potential Arab challengers, one by one. But some see America itself as the prime conspirator, whose objective is to control the world.
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This may all sound preposterous to most Westerners. Yet the very simplicity of the story makes it oddly appealing to people living amid wrenching political upheaval. In conversations with this correspondent, the gist or the whole of this unified theory of Middle Eastern conspiracies has been related credulously by a broad range of Egyptians, from the apocryphal taxi driver to highly paid financial risk consultants, from university students to tourism executives and government officials. Moreover, to judge by articles in Egyptian newspapers that are known to carry plants by security agencies or to derive from interviews with retired intelligence officers, conspiratorial views appear to permeate Egypt's state-security apparatus.
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One irony among many is that, with the odd change in detail, this theory of an evil grand Western design is eerily familiar. It is nearly identical to the narrative of victimhood long purveyed by those now being hounded by those same police and intelligence officers—the Muslim Brothers and their Islamist fellow-travellers.
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The plan for Syria was different, but equally devastating. Western powers encouraged its people to revolt, but instead of promoting victory over the regime they have drip-fed the opposition with just enough ammunition to sustain a ghastly civil war. The result has been the destruction of yet another Arab army, the creation of a crippling humanitarian disaster, the deepening of sectarian schisms and the evisceration of another Arab country.
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The ultimate target of this plot, so the conspiracy theorists explain, is Egypt itself, the Arabs' most populous, strategic and culturally influential Arab state. Having achieved the fall of Hosni Mubarak in the revolution of 2011, Western agents fomented strife between Muslims and Christians. Secretly, America formed an alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood in the hope that once in power, the Brothers would subdue Egypt's army. Indeed, the Americans planned to use the Brothers as a spearhead across the region, undermining governments and curtailing intellectual, scientific and economic progress everywhere.
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But in June of this year the Egyptian people rose up to fend off this plot by overthrowing President Muhammad Morsi and his cabal of Brotherhood plotters. Now, under army leadership and with the backing of wealthy Arab allies in the Gulf, Egypt will lead a revival of Arab power. Among subscribers to this vast conspiracy theory, views vary, particularly regarding Western motives. For some it is obviously all about Israel, with its Western allies simply picking off its potential Arab challengers, one by one. But some see America itself as the prime conspirator, whose objective is to control the world.
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This may all sound preposterous to most Westerners. Yet the very simplicity of the story makes it oddly appealing to people living amid wrenching political upheaval. In conversations with this correspondent, the gist or the whole of this unified theory of Middle Eastern conspiracies has been related credulously by a broad range of Egyptians, from the apocryphal taxi driver to highly paid financial risk consultants, from university students to tourism executives and government officials. Moreover, to judge by articles in Egyptian newspapers that are known to carry plants by security agencies or to derive from interviews with retired intelligence officers, conspiratorial views appear to permeate Egypt's state-security apparatus.
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One irony among many is that, with the odd change in detail, this theory of an evil grand Western design is eerily familiar. It is nearly identical to the narrative of victimhood long purveyed by those now being hounded by those same police and intelligence officers—the Muslim Brothers and their Islamist fellow-travellers.
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Mr Xi¡Çs speech is larded with reformist phraseology. He quoted Deng Xiaoping¡Çs warning in 1992 of a ¡Èdead end¡É if the country failed to reform and improve living standards. (He made no mention of Mao Zedong, despite having shown a proclivity for Maoist rhetoric in many of his other recent speeches.) Mr Xi was blunt about the challenges China faces: a mode of development that is ¡Èunbalanced, uncoordinated and unsustainable¡É (though he is by no means the first Chinese leader to have said that); an increase in ¡Èsocial contradictions¡É; and a ¡Èsevere¡É struggle to contain corruption. Public expectations of reform were ¡Èhigh¡É, he said. ¡ÈWe absolutely must not waver¡É. Mr Xi said it was impossible that all reforms proceed smoothly, without risk: ¡ÈThings that we have to do, we have to do with courage.¡É
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More details of what Mr Xi has in mind are likely to emerge in the weeks ahead. Party and government leaders will hold another meeting in December to decide an economic strategy for the coming year. A similar meeting devoted to rural issues will be held later in the month. The rhetoric is very positive. But Mr Xi will have to battle a deep resistance to change among state-owned enterprises, local governments, and even an urban middle class that likes his notion of ¡Èsocial fairness¡É but does not want to see its own privileges eroded by the granting of equal access to health care and education to migrants from the countryside. As the resolution rightly said, reforms have entered ¡Èdeep water¡É.
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Arab conspiracy theories
A Western plot to dish the Arabs
Nov 12th 2013, 18:07 by M.R. | CAIRO
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THE Middle East has seldom been more confusing. Not only is the region more politically turbulent than in decades, with old certainties everywhere challenged by unexpected twists and shifting alliances. The volume of news has swollen, too. New media and new freedoms generate more and more information and a wider range of views, yet this is filtered through ever more kaleidoscopic prisms of cant, wishful thinking, prejudice, deliberate disinformation and propaganda. If only the picture could be clearer and more simple, sigh the region's people. If only there were some overarching narrative to explain the one big, pressing question: why are we in such a mess?
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According to many in Egypt, there is. The story goes something like this. Western powers, led by America, are realising their long-held aim of dividing and weakening the Arab and Muslim worlds.
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The first phase of this plan—so the theory goes—unfolded in Iraq, where the Americans achieved a double purpose. They destroyed a powerful Arab army and ignited a civil war, driving a wedge between Sunnis and Shias that has sent fissures streaking across the region. Western meddling also broke Sudan in half, detaching a freshly hatched and hostile new state in the south from the Arab and Muslim north.
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