中国の市民社会 氷河の下で 政治的弾圧にも関わらず、豊かな市民社会が開花してきている 。(7)

By contrast, Yirenping works on the fringes, an advocacy NGO staffed by lawyers who take on legal cases with an eye to the precedents they might set. One of its recent cases was that of a girl who was not allowed to take the national high-school exam because she is blind. It has helped people with hepatitis B and AIDS who have been fired from their jobs. One of its lawyers, Huang Yizhi, says the group will probably not try to register. Like many NGOs unable to find an official sponsor, it is currently registered as a business. If it registered as an NGO, says Ms Huang, it might receive government money but it would have to tone down its advocacy. The ambiguity of its status suits it as it chooses its cases carefully, engages in advocacy on issues, such as social equality, that the party says it cares about too and tries not to tweak the dragon’s tail enough to risk being squashed by it. 

take on:挑む/引き受ける 
with an eye to:を考慮して/をするために 

一方で、Yirenpingは弁護士がいる支援運動NGOであるその端の方で活動している。その弁護士達は自分自身が作った前例を考慮して司法案件を引き受けている。最近の事例の1つは盲目であるために国立高校の試験を受けることを許されなかった少女のケースである。そのNGOはB型肝炎やAIDSを患っている為に解雇された人達を支援してきている。弁護士達の一人Huang Yizhiはこのグループは多分登録しようとしないだろうと言っている。公的な支援を見つけられない多くのNGOと同じように、このNGOも現在のところ企業として登録されている。もしNGOとして登録されていたら、政府の資金を得ていたかもしれないが、その支援活動をトーンダウンしなければならかっただろう、とMs Huangは言っている。NGOはこうした状況の曖昧さはこのNGOには適している。彼らは事例を慎重に選んでいて、社会的平等といった問題に対する支援活動に取り組んでいて、党もNGOがそのことを気にしていて、また党につぶされる危険を冒すほどには竜のしっぽを引っ張らないようにしていると言っている。 

Ma Jun takes an approach somewhere between the two. A former reporter, in 1999 he published a notable book on the environment, “China’s Water Crisis”. Mr Ma runs the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs (IPE), which operates legally. Like Mr Tong, he sees co-operation with the government as essential. “We are all in this boat, and we don’t want the boat to capsize,” he says. But he is less co-operative with official GONGOs. With many demonstrations now arising from environmental issues, the party is growing ever more worried about green activism. And Mr Ma is at the forefront of inter-provincial NGO co-operation, another former taboo. The party is afraid of like-minded people, bound by a common cause, linking up around the country. NGOs are not allowed to register branch offices in different provinces. But the IPE is part of a network of 50 environmental groups called the Green Choice Alliance which can speak with one voice. Mr Ma walks a fine line, and fine lines can move. Just a few years ago officials lauded Mr Xu, the recently jailed academic, just as they praise Mr Ma now. 

bound by:によって結びついた 
speak with one voice:声をそろえて発言する 
fine line:微妙な境界線 

馬軍はその2つの中間あたりの取り組みをしている。元レポーターの彼は1999年に環境についての有名な本“China’s Water Crisis”を出版した。馬氏は公衆と環境研究センター(IPE)を合法的に運営している。Mr.Tongのように、彼は政府との協力は不可欠だと考えている。“我々はみんなこのボートに乗っている。我々はそのボートを転覆させたくはない、と言っている。しかし、彼は公的なGONGOとはあまり協力的ではない。環境問題から生じている多くのデモにより、党は環境活動のことでこれまで以上に気を揉むようになっている。そして、馬氏は、また別のかつてタブーであった省間のNGO協力の最前線にいる。党は、共通の大義によって結びついた、国のあちこちで連携する同じ考えを持った人達を恐れている。NGOは異なった省に支部を登録することを許されていない。しかし、IPEは声をそろえて発言することのできる“Green Choice Alliance”と呼ばれる50の環境団体からなるネットワークの一部である。馬氏は微妙な境界線を進んでいる。その境界線は変わり得るのである。たった数年前、当局者は現在投獄中の学者であるMr.Xuを称賛していた。ちょうど彼らが現在馬氏を称賛しているのと同じ状況である。 


The government is by no means consistent in its approach to NGOs. Last July the environment ministry held a workshop in Beijing to which it invited groups like Mr Ma’s for the first time. That would have been unthinkable ten years ago. According to one startled participant, officials encouraged the NGOs to be strong in order to “confront powerful authorities”—meaning local vested interests. Yet at the same time there are moves to withdraw the ability of environmental NGOs to bring court cases against local governments. And a party brief known as Document Number 9, circulated to all government offices in 2013, accuses NGOs of cultivating “anti-China forces”. The situation is “schizophrenic,” says Mr Shieh. Mr Zeng, the labour activist says that even after being asked to register his NGO, he still gets harassed. 

by no means:決して~ではない 


水曜日。今日はこれまで。昨日の昼は損保ジャパンの奈良さんと会食。そのあとは仕事。ただ、風邪を引いたので、午後は相当だるかった。なんとか、夜まで持たせることができた。Joseph Nyeの宿題も聞いた。今日は4時から歯医者だ。風邪を引いているので、丁度いい。昨日より体調はいい。では又明日。

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中国の市民社会 氷河の下で 政治的弾圧にも関わらず、豊かな市民社会が開花してきている 。(6)

The nascent sector has a long way to go. The biggest problem is funding. Some local governments finance NGOs directly: the government of Guangdong province gave 466m yuan ($75m) in 2012; Yunnan spent 300m yuan. Those numbers are expected to increase. But, although many groups no longer need an official sponsor and are free to receive public donations, they are not allowed to raise money publicly. Fundraising activities must go through a dreaded GONGO, which means the government can control how much publicity an NGO receives and therefore its sources of income. Control over foreign funding has even been tightened. 

public donation:義援金 
raise money:資金を調達する 


All of this offers new opportunities for corruption. Some local governments have set up shell NGOs to tap into the new official funding. Real NGOs often fail to hear of tenders for service-provision contracts they could fulfil. The jobs go to well-connected insiders, who sometimes subcontract, taking a cut on the way. 

tap into:入り込む 
take a cut:分け前を取る 


Here, though, as elsewhere, the internet is changing things. China’s Twitter-like microblogs enable like-minded people to hook up and rally public support for a cause. It is now possible to complain about things online without being seen as subversive—though there are limits you would be wise to observe: you can tweet about air pollution, but not necessarily about a specific noxious factory with links to certain leaders. Urban middle-class types tweet furiously about food safety, water shortages, the treatment of migrants, education and health care—core NGO issues. NGOs that spread the word about their work online can see significant donations come their way even without actively raising funds. 

hook up:接続する 
wise to:気づいている/賢明である
not necessarily:必ずしも〜ではない
spread the word:評判を広める


Working the system 
The emerging civil society is not a clear-cut story of stooges and heroes. The action is in the middle ground, where lines are blurred and both sides negotiate for space. The temptation for activists to compromise and tap into government money is great. Still, says a Western diplomat in Beijing, if you are prepared to play within the system you can get a lot done. 

middle ground:中立の立場/妥協点
 tap into:引き出す


Zhicheng, a legal-services organisation which helps the disadvantaged, is an example of how to do just that. It was established in 1999 by Tong Lihua, a lawyer from a poor village, who first set out to protect the rights of rural children. He impressed local-government officials, who were persuaded to give him their support. Mr Tong then began to advise workers who had not been properly paid. Government officials leave him alone, he says, because, although he is dealing with sensitive areas, he is enhancing social stability not damaging it. He says his aim is to promote legal and social reform from the inside. Though sometimes derided by other activists for being too close to the party, Mr Tong says that 99.9% of what he does is independent. He bristles when asked if he is just an agent of the government. He says Zhicheng has provided up to 400,000 people with free legal advice, helping them claim overdue wages and work-related injury compensation totalling 400m yuan. 

set out to:~しようと試みる 
overdue wages:未払給与
injury compensation:災害補償

恵まれない人を支援する司法サービス組織であるZhichengはまさにこういったことをどのように行うかを示す1つの例である。この組織は1999年に貧しい村の出身のTong Lihuaによって設立されたが、彼は初めて田舎の子供たちの権利を守ろうとした。彼は地方政府の役人に良い印象を与え、役人達は彼をサポートすることに納得した。Mr.Tongはそれから正しく支払いがされていなかった労働者へのアドバイスを始めた。政府の役人は彼には手を出さないでいるのは彼はセンシティブな領域の取り組みであるが、社会の安定性を損ねるのではなく、増進しているためだと話している。彼の狙いは司法および社会の改革を内側から促進することだと述べている。時に他の活動家達から党に近すぎるとあざ笑われるが、Mr.Tongはかれのやっていることの99.9%は独立したものだと言っている。政府の代理人なだけでないかと問われると彼は苛立ちを見せる。彼は、合わせて4億元になる未払い給与や労働災害補償を労働者が主張する手助けをし、Zhichengは40万人にのぼる人達に無料の法律相談をしてきていると言っている。 


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中国の市民社会 氷河の下で 政治的弾圧にも関わらず、豊かな市民社会が開花してきている 。(5)

It is telling, however, that these changes come at a time of increased political repression, including against those who simply call upon an overweening party to abide by China’s own (Communist-written) constitution. Since Xi Jinping became party chief in 2012, the state has cracked down on freethinkers. The sentencing in late January of Xu Zhiyong, a prominent academic, to four years in jail, and the constant harassment of other activists, show that even those, like Mr Xu, who have tried a less confrontational approach will not be tolerated. The approaching 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre means control will continue to be tight. 

abide by:に従う
crack down:取り締まる 


The party appears to believe that it can encourage the expansion of NGOs without relaxing its political grip. Perhaps it is the Leninist chameleon changing colour again, developing a clever new brand of “consultative authoritarianism”, in the phrase of Jessica Teets at America’s Middlebury College, that leaves the realities of power unchanged and room for dissent constrained. But many who work for NGOs suggest the opposite: allowing new freedoms for civil-society groups will slowly transform the party from the inside—just the kind of “peaceful evolution” that party hardliners have always warned against. Though moves towards meaningful political reform remain glacial at best, activists say these new regulations are part of an unseen river of social change that is starting to erode the glacier from below. 

relax grip:手を緩める 

党は政治的な手を緩めることをせずにNGOの拡大を促進できると信じているようである。恐らく、アメリカ・ミドルバリー大学のJessica Teetsの言葉を引用すれば、“協議を受け入れる独裁政治”という気の利いた新たな分類を作り、再び色を変えるレーニン主義のカメレオンのようなものである。そして、この考え方は権力の存在を変わらぬままにしておき制約されている反対意見に対してその余地を残しておく。しかし、NGOで働く多くは反対のことを示唆している。−市民社会のグループに新たな自由を許すことは党を内部から徐々に変える。−まさに党の強硬派が常にけん制してきた“平和的な進化”である。意味のある政治改革に向けた動きは、よくても遅々として進まないままといった状況であるが、活動家達はこれらの新たな規制は氷河を下から浸食し始めている社会的変化という見えない川の一部であると言っている。 

From comrades to citizens 
Belatedly, the party realises that NGOs have a number of things it lacks: ideas, a hard-won understanding of the issues on the ground and trust from the local community. Few people believe the party on anything. Most think NGOs approach problems with knowledge and sensitivity. For example, they treat drug-users or prostitutes with AIDS as a health issue to be met with care and counselling rather than as a criminal one. A long-awaited party blueprint for urbanisation, issued in March, spoke of the need to “arouse the energy” of such groups. One Beijing academic says the challenge is now as much to help the government learn how to delegate some areas of social policy as it is to increase the capacity of NGOs to do the work.



Philanthropy is re-emerging as a social force as expectations have risen. Some are prompted by religious teachings: Buddhism and Daoism are enjoying a renaissance, and there are now some 80m Christians in China, many of whom want to do good works. Volunteering and working in the non-profit sector is becoming more popular. Charity and philanthropy, says Shawn Shieh, the American editor of China Development Brief, a Beijing-based publication that covers NGOs, have become buzzwords among the wealthy. 


社会奉仕事業は期待が高まるにつれて社会的な勢力として再浮上している。宗教的教育によって促進されているものもある。仏教や道教は再興を享受している。また、中国には現在約8,000万人のキリスト教徒がおり、その多くはよい仕事をしたいと思っている。非営利分野でボランティアや働くことはよりポピュラーになっている。NGOを取り上げている北京ベースの出版であるChina Development Briefのアメリカ人編集者・Shawn Shiehは、慈善事業と社会奉仕事業は富裕層の間で流行語となっていると言っている。 


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中国の市民社会 氷河の下で 政治的弾圧にも関わらず、豊かな市民社会が開花してきている 。(4)

The array of unofficial NGOs that have sprung up over the past decade is remarkable. Some are inspired by religious faith: Christian doctors setting up a local clinic to fill gaps left by the health-care system, or Buddhists caring for the elderly. Others involve, for instance, parents of autistic children forming support groups through the internet or a website showing the location of needy schools around a city that urges people passing the neighbourhood to pack a bag of books or pencils to donate. Idealism is far from dead, as the Communist Party increasingly appreciates. When party leaders sent out researchers to look into NGOs, they realised, as He Jianyu of the NGO Research Centre at Tsinghua University in Beijing puts it, that “NGOs are not all revolutionaries who want to overthrow the party—as they had thought”. 

spring up:誕生する/現れる 
be inspired by:に端を発する 
religious faith:信仰 


A big boost to China’s growth in NGOs—double the number of a decade ago (see chart)—seems to have been a huge earthquake in Sichuan in 2008, which killed 70,000 people. Thousands of volunteers converged on Sichuan to lend a hand to the rescue. Ordinary people found out what it was like to get organised and join in. “We all saw the NGOs at work, and saw that they were much more effective than the government,” says the Sichuan Academy’s Ms Guo. The government drew similar conclusions and allowed more NGOs to register through state organisations. 



登録された中国のNGOの数 単位:1000

Behind the growth is the irrepressible rise of a new middle class. It shares the party’s desire for stability. But some members, at least, also want new ways to participate in society. Party leaders, now only vaguely constrained by Communist ideology, have a new sense that something is to be gained by co-opting such activist citizens rather than suppressing them. It may, they think, offer a way of providing some of the social support that the party can no longer supply on its own. Thus the easing of the rules, not just allowing NGOs to register without a state sponsor but actually encouraging them to do so. 



Since 2011 four types of groups have been able to register directly in a number of provinces: industry associations, science and technology organisations, charities and outfits providing social services. Later this year, the changes are expected to apply nationwide. Karla Simon, an American academic and author of “Civil Society in China”, says that the number of NGOs could double again in just a couple of years as registration is further eased. 


2011年以降、4つのタイプの団体が多くの省で直接登録できるようになっている。企業団体、科学技術機関、慈善団体、ソーシャルサービスを提供する一団である。今年の後半にはその変化は全国的に適用される見込みである。アメリカの学者で“Civil Society in China”の著者であるKarla Simonは、登録がさらに緩和されるため、NGOの数はこの数年だけで再び倍になるだろうと言っている。 


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中国の市民社会 氷河の下で 政治的弾圧にも関わらず、豊かな市民社会が開花してきている 。(3)

It was a rigid regime, but it actually represented a liberalisation compared with what went before. When it seized power in 1949 the Communist Party eliminated anything that stood between the state and the individual, including churches, trade unions and independent associations of all sorts—it even tried to break traditional family bonds. In other words, what elsewhere came to be known as civil society was shut down completely in China, at least until after the death of Mao Zedong in 1976. The only groups allowed to function were state entities parading as non-state ones. They go by the Orwellian name of government-operated non-governmental organisations, GONGOs. One is the China Youth Development Foundation; another the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation. 

seize power:政権を握る 
trade union:労働組合 
go by:の名で通ってる 

厳格な体制であったが実際には以前そうであったのと比べると自由化を示すものであった。 1949年に政権を握った時、共産党は国家と個人の間に立ちはだかるあらゆるものを抹殺した。それには教会、労働組合、あらゆる独立した団体が含まれていた。共産党は従来の家族のつながりすら破壊しようとした。言い換えると、他の場所で市民社会として知られるようになったものは、少なくとも1976年に毛沢東が亡くなるまでは、中国では完全にシャットダウンされた。運営することがゆるされた団体は非政府として振る舞っていた国営の団体だけであった。それらの団体は政府運営の非政府組織(GONGOs)というオーウェル式(全体主義的な)の名で通っている。その1つは中国青少年発展基金会であり、もう1つは中国扶貧基金会である。 

After the 1989 protests in Tiananmen Square, and their subsequent bloody put-down, the deal China’s leaders offered the country changed: stay out of politics and you can do almost anything else you want. Most of the new quasi-freedom was economic, but social space expanded, too. 



There were clear limits. The collapse of the Soviet bloc, which trade unions, churches and other groups in Poland, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere helped precipitate, reinforced the idea among Chinese rulers that NGOs had to be kept away from issues that were or could become political. Still, local NGOs with limited, mostly charitable concerns were allowed to develop in some areas, provided they submitted to control by the state through the process of registration. Environmental protection and HIV/AIDS were among the first areas to benefit from a new toleration of some NGOs. Even so, on the ground their freedoms were often hard won, and much official persecution persisted. 

on the ground:現場で 

明らかな制限はあった。ポーランド、チェコスロバキア、その他の場所での労働組合、教会、その他のグループが引き起こしたソ連圏の崩壊は、中国の統治者の間で、政治的であったあるいは政治的になる得る問題からNGOを遠ざけておかなければならないという考えを強めた。それにもかかわらず、登録過程で国のコントロールに従うという条件の下で、多くが慈善的な事業をするNGOが、制限付であるが、幾つかのエリアで設立をゆるされた。環境保護、HIV/AIDSはいくつかのNGOを新たに容認したことから恩恵を受けた最初の分野である。そうであっても、 現場ではその自由が時として勝ち得るのは困難であり、そして、多くの役人の迫害があった。

Running away 
The growth of NGOs since has not always been a smooth one. In 2005, spooked by “colour” revolutions in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, Chinese leaders clamped down on NGOs, especially in their more activist manifestations. But in recent years that tight control has relaxed again, largely out of necessity. Rapid urbanisation and a more complex society mean that the party can no longer provide everything for its citizens as once it did, or claimed to. Anger over inadequate social services could put at risk the domestic stability that underpins the party’s rule. Nor does it help that the central government has pushed responsibility for health, education and other services onto local governments that are unwilling or unable to pay for them. 

clamp down:取り締まる/締め付ける 
out of necessity:必要に迫られて 



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中国の市民社会 氷河の下で 政治的弾圧にも関わらず、豊かな市民社会が開花してきている 。(2)

Over the past three years other activists at unregistered NGOs have received similar phone calls from the authorities about the sensitive issue of registration, an apparently mundane bit of administrative box-ticking which in fact represents real change. China has over 500,000 NGOs already registered with the state. The number comes with a big caveat. Many NGOs are quasi-official or mere shell entities attempting to get government money. Of those genuine groups that do seek to improve the common lot, nearly all carry out politically uncontentious activities. But perhaps 1.5m more are not registered, and some of these, like Mr Zeng’s, pursue activism in areas which officials have often found worrying. 



These unregistered NGOs are growing in number and influence. They are a notable example of social forces bubbling up from below in a stubbornly top-down state. The organisations could be a way for the Communist Party to co-opt the energy and resources of civil society. They could also be a means by which that energy challenges the party’s power. And so their status has big implications. Guo Hong of the Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences in Chengdu calls the liberalisation of NGO registration laws “the partial realisation of freedom of association”. Just as economic liberalisation in the early 1980s had a profound material effect, so these latest moves could have a profound social one. 

bubble up:沸々と沸き立つ 
from below;下から
freedom of association:結社の自由 
material effect:重大な影響

こうした未登録のNGOの数、影響力は大きくなっている。これらのNGOは強固なトップダウンな国において下から沸き立つ社会的な力の注目に値する事例である。この組織は共産党が市民社会のエネルギーとリソースを取り入れる方法になり得る。また、そのエネルギーが共産党の力に立ち向かう手段にもなり得る。そして、そうした状況は大きな影響力を持っている。成都にある四川省社会科学院のGuo HongはNGO登録法の自由化を“結社の自由の部分的な実現”と呼ぶ。1980年代前半の経済自由化が大規模な物質的効果をもたらしたのと同じように、こうした最近の動きは大規模な社会的効果を持ちうるかもしれない。 

We, some of the people
The new rules apply only to some types of NGOs, notably those providing services to groups such as the poor, the elderly and the disabled. Those engaged in any kind of political advocacy continue to be suspect. Human-rights organisations remain banned, as do most groups promoting religious, ethnic or labour rights. Yet Mr Zeng’s experience in Guangzhou suggests the authorities are looking for new ways to deal at least with some labour groups whose activities would once have been seen as unquestionably subversive. 



Until 2012, any NGO that wanted to register—and so be legal—had to have a sponsoring official organisation, typically a government agency that worked in the area of the NGO’s interest. This ensured firm government control over all NGOs, or “social organisations”, as the party likes to call them (in Chinese, “non-government” carries a whiff of “anti-government”). Foreign NGOs could operate in China only under strict conditions. 




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