G20の指導者たちが中国で会う。 世界の最も重要な二国間の関係の変動

G20 leaders meet in China
The lows and highs of the world’s most important bilateral relationship
Sep 4th 2016 | HANGZHOU | China


REPORTING on big international summits is often an exercise in drudgery. Debates about the agenda take place behind closed doors, weeks in advance of the actual meetings. Final agreements are phrased in general terms, smoothed out to be acceptable to all those at the table. Journalists are herded between photo-ops; they see beaming smiles and firm handshakes rather than the disagreements that preceded them. Or, at least, that is the way things are supposed to be. 

preceded :先立って行う

A summit of G20 leaders, which began on September 4th in the eastern Chinese city of Hangzhou, deviated from this stereotype with an oddly tense and protocol-defying start. After participants landed at Hangzhou’s airport, red-carpeted stairways were rolled up to their aeroplanes. But when Barack Obama’s Air Force One touched down, there were no ceremonial steps for him. The American president instead disembarked on a smaller set of metal stairs via the plane’s underbelly. 

oddly:奇妙な oddly tense 妙に緊張した

At around the same time, a dispute broke out on the tarmac when a Chinese official prevented American reporters from lining up to record Mr Obama’s exit, as members of the White House press corps commonly do on such occasions. “This is our country. This is our airport,” the official hollered. He then attempted to stop Susan Rice, Mr Obama’s national security adviser, from cutting across the cordon to join the president’s motorcade. Shouting and shoving continued at the diplomatic compound where the meetings were to take place, as Chinese security officers blocked several White House staff members from entering. 

At around:およそ

Other delegations have run into umpteen problems trying to get between their hotels, the meeting venues and the media centre. But the missing staircase for Mr Obama’s arrival stood out. China had gone to extraordinary lengths to ensure the summit ran smoothly. Security in the city, normally known for a more relaxed atmosphere, is overwhelming. The government has shut down dirty factories hundreds of kilometres away in order to clear the air and given residents a weeklong holiday to encourage them to leave the city and leave the streets clear. How, then, could it have overlooked such a basic element of its arrangements? 

stood out:際立っている

The innocent explanation is that there was a diplomatic misunderstanding at the airport, albeit a rather astonishing one. The New York Times reports that the Americans had flown in with their own stairs for the occasion, only for the Chinese to block their use at the last minute. The Chinese then offered their own, which the Americans refused because the driver could not speak English. The darker interpretation is that China’s sudden rejection of the American-provided stairs was calculated to insult Mr Obama on his last trip to Asia as the American president. That would have been an odd tactic: the chaos on the arrival of Air Force One looked more embarrassing for China than America. Mr Obama, for his part, downplayed the significance. “We’ve got a lot of planes, a lot of helicopters, a lot of cars and a lot of guys,” he said. “If you are a host country, sometimes it may feel a bit much.” 

significance :影響の大きさ
feel a bit much:あんまりひどいと感じる



swingby_blog at 07:06コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 


北朝鮮は第5回目の核実験を行った。 世界は平壌の増大する強引さに直面して心配しているだけで、手も足も出ない。

North Korea has carried out a fifth nuclear test
The world is worryingly impotent in the face of Pyongyang’s increasing forcefulness
Sep 9th 2016 | TOKYO | Asia


IT WAS just a matter of time until North Korea carried out another test of a nuclear bomb. Since Kim Jong Un inherited power from his father in 2011, he has accelerated the pace of trials of nuclear bombs and ballistic missiles. The imposition of new sanctions this year and stern talk at the ASEAN summit this week will not have pleased Pyongyang. So it was that on September 9th, the holiday that celebrates the founding of North Korea’s communist regime by Mr Kim’s grandfather, the country announced that it had carried out its fifth test. 


The force of the explosion appeared to be at least 10 kilotons, and perhaps as many as 30, making it by far the most powerful device North Korea has yet tested. It triggered an earthquake with a magnitude of 5.3, alerting South Korea of the event before its troublesome neighbour confirmed it. By comparison, North Korea’s previous test, in January this year, was estimated at six kilotons. (The prior three were in 2013, 2009 and 2006.) 

by far :はるかに・最大の

North Korea’s increasing forcefulness is making the international community extremely nervous. It is thought to have a stockpile of some 20 devices to which it adds one every six weeks. The underground detonation carried out in January almost certainly was not the hydrogen bomb that North Korea claimed, but it has been followed by a series of missile tests. The government’s claim that it can now send a missile to America may be bluster, but it could almost certainly strike targets in both South Korea and Japan. 


Most worrying is the question of whether North Korea can make a nuclear warhead small enough to put on one of those missiles, and robust enough to endure a trajectory that would take it into space and back. The North boasts that it can, although observers are sceptical. Yet there is no doubt that it is making rapid progress in its nuclear programme. It is clearly a priority for Mr Kim, who seems to be devoting even more of North Korea’s relatively meagre resources to it than his father did. 


Japanese officials and those in other neighbouring states fret that the young Mr Kim is far less predictable than his father. Partly that is because the strength of his grip on the regime is unknown. That three of North Korea’s five nuclear tests have been carried out during his five-year rule suggests he wants to project strength domestically. That could be because he feels insecure, but might equally reflect self-confidence. 

predictable :予測できる

America, Japan and South Korea have responded with predictably harsh statements. Even China, North Korea’s closest thing to an ally, said it “resolutely” condemned the test. Barack Obama, America’s president, has made nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament something of a pet cause, pushing for a nuclear deal with Iran and visiting Hiroshima, one of the two Japanese cities on which America dropped nuclear bombs during the second world war. But there is worryingly little America and its allies can do to restrain Mr Kim.

pet cause:one that a person is particularly interested

The United Nations tightened sanctions on North Korea in March in response to the test in January. The new measures include a somewhat leaky ban on exports of coal and other minerals, one of North Korea’s main sources of foreign exchange. America added further sanctions of its own in July, specifically naming Mr Kim. Yet all this appears to be doing nothing to change Mr Kim’s behaviour for the better, and may simply be infuriating him. 


America’s, Japan’s and South Korea’s main strategy is to exhort China to put more pressure on North Korea, since the North Korean regime relies on China for its economic survival. The Chinese government is increasingly frustrated by Mr Kim—it voted in favour of the UN sanctions this year, though it has not always applied them rigorously. But it worries that the collapse of Mr Kim’s regime might bring American troops to its frontier, along with a flood of refugees. And China’s relations with America and its allies in Asia are not at their best at the moment. It is disgruntled by South Korea’s agreement with America to host THAAD, a missile-defence system, and has been ruffling feathers in the South and East China Seas. The West’s best hope of restraining North Korea, in short, is a slender one. 
ruffling:波立たせる ruffle A's [a few] feathers A〈人〉を怒らせる, いらいらさせる.



swingby_blog at 07:36コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 


ジルマルーゼフの弾劾はブラジルの危機のはじまりだ。終わりではない。 ある世代にとってこのことには同意しないだろう。

Dilma Rousseff’s Impeachment Is the Start of Brazil’s Crisis—Not the End
Matt Sandy/Rio de Janeiro @mattsandy Sept. 1, 2016  
'People will disagree about this for a generation'


In the aftermath of the downfall of Brazil’s first female president, the country has begun to count the cost of a case that has sharply divided its citizens.

After a watershed day for the world’s fourth-largest democracy, as Dilma Rousseff was finally impeached by a overwhelming congressional vote on charges of budget manipulation, there was—perhaps surprisingly, given the heated nature of the year-long debate that has gripped Brazil —no great public outpouring of emotion.


In an impassioned statement, Rousseff said senators who had voted for impeachment had “condemned an innocent” in “one of the great injustices”. Her replacement, Michel Temer, while trying to maintain a statesmanlike tone in his first address as president—his position was interim before impeachment was completed—still felt the need to deny at length that he had led a “coup” against his former running mate. 

at length:詳細に

“The narrative that Temer has stabbed her in the back will be polarizing for a long time in Brazil,” says Harold Trinkunas, a director of the Latin America Initiative at the Brookings Institute. “People will disagree about this for a generation.” 


Defiant until the end, Rousseff’s removal came with a hiss not a bang. Small groups of protesters gathered in Brasilia, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, but nothing like the millions that have deluged the streets at times over the past three years. Rousseff lost the vote in Brazil’s senate 61-20, far beyond the two-thirds majority needed. She has suggested she will now appeal the case to the Supreme Court, although that body has so far repeatedly chosen not to interfere in the case. 


The impeached president must now vacate the Palacio da Alvorada, the presidential palace that became her bunker, so Temer can serve out the remaining two years and three months of her term. He was sworn in by congress on Wednesday and has flown to China to attend the G20 summit at Hangzhou. 


An unexpected decision yesterday by Chief Justice Ricardo Lewandowski, however, to allow a separate senate vote on whether Rousseff should be barred from office for eight years—which she won 42-36—means the impeachment president can immediately return to politics. She may contest a senate seat in her home Rio Grande do Sul state in 2018. The decision by the Chief Justice—acting as the presider over the impeachment trial, not as part of Brazil’s Supreme Court, surprised experts. “That decision would appear to have been highly unconstitutional,” says David Fleischer, a professor of politics at the University of Brasilia. The constitution states that an impeached president is barred from public office for eight years. 


Temer, 75, of the centrist Brazilian Democratic Movement Party which was previously in coalition with Rousseff’s leftist Workers’ Party, has a tough job on his hands. He took over as interim president in May and was widely criticized for naming a cabinet of entirely white men. Polls have shown a majority of Brazilians also want to see him impeached too and he was loudly booed during the Olympic opening ceremony on August 5. He has said he will not run for election in 2018. 

His success will depend largely on whether he can rescue Brazil from its worst recession since the 1930s, with GDP falling for six straight quarters. He faces the prospect of implementing austerity in league with a fractious congress. “We will have a strong congress and a weak executive,” says Juliano Griebeler, of the Barral M Jorge political consultancy. “Temer will face some really difficult negotiations.” 


Regaining Brazil’s role on the global stage, which led to it hosting the 2014 soccer World Cup and Olympics in succession, is likely to be a longer term challenge. “A major factor in Brazil’s global influence [under Rousseff’s predecessor Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva] was that they’d looked like they’d found a model to grow fast, alleviate poverty but – unlike China – do it within a democracy,” Trinkunas says. “All of that was undercut by the economic and political crisis.” 


Rousseff, a former guerilla who was tortured by the 1964-1985 dictatorship, was re-elected president in 2014, apparently giving her Workers’ Party 16 straight years in power. But her approval ratings fell to single digits thanks largely to the recession and widespread anger among the population at the entire political class. 

That was sparked primarily by a $3 billion corruption scandal at state oil giant Petrobras that has enveloped hundreds of leading politicians, laying bare systematic graft. Her predecessor, known as Lula, will stand trial on accusations linked to the scheme and Eduardo Cunha, the then house speaker who initiated the impeachment proceedings, is accused of taking up to $40 million in bribes. 

enveloped :覆う
bare ;むき出しの

Many of the lawmakers who voted on her impeachment are accused of corruption in that investigation, known as Car Wash, and others. Rousseff has not been implicated and told TIME that she believed her refusal to stifle the investigation by federal police and prosecutors led others to want to oust her. “I systematically refused to make any agreement with Mr. Cunha,” she said.


金曜日。今日はこれまで。ブラジルのRousseffの失脚の関しての記事だ。彼女を弾劾裁判に告訴した議長のEduardo Cunhaも4000万ドルの収賄容疑がかかっている。ペトロブラスの収賄には数百人もの議員が関与していると言われている。六四半期GDPが落ち込んでいるのは1030年代以来初めてだ。ブラジルの混迷はまだまだ続きそうだ。


swingby_blog at 08:29コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 



Three Unanswered Questions About Donald Trump’s Immigration Policy
Tessa Berenson @tcberenson Sept. 1, 2016  


Donald Trump laid out his most detailed immigration policy plans yet Wednesday night, including proposals to create a deportation task force that prioritizes those who have committed other crimes, benefit from government-assistance programs or who have overstayed their visas. 

Trump aides had promised “clarity” on the candidate’s immigration plans, and he himself declared it a “detailed policy address.” But questions remain about what he would do if he was elected president. Here are the three big questions left unanswered by Trump’s immigration speech. 

How long would the wall be?
If there’s one thing Trump has been consistent about from the very beginning of his run, it’s that he wants to build a wall along the border with Mexico. He also still maintains that Mexico will pay for the wall, despite Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto saying otherwise. 

But Trump has not been consistent on how long or how high this wall will be. The wall has more than doubled in height in various speeches, with Trump occasionally threatening to add 10 more feet to it as punishment. He’s referred to it as 30 feet high up to 65 feet high. In terms of length, he has said both that the wall will cover the entire 2,000-mile border and that it will only need to be about 1,000 miles long because of other “natural barriers” along the way. 

During his speech in Phoenix on Wednesday, the only clarity Trump lent to the hypothetical wall is that it will be “impenetrable, physical, tall, powerful [and] beautiful.” 


What would he do about undocumented immigrants who don’t commit other crimes?
Trump has promised a new “deportation task force” as president, but when he outlined deportation priorities, he left the fate of millions of otherwise law abiding undocumented immigrants unclear. The official U.S. government estimate has 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S., although Trump argued that the number could range from 3 million to 30 million. He said that on his first day in office would begin deporting 2 million “criminal aliens,” and called for prioritized removals for those arrested for any crime, receive government benefits or have overstayed their visas. 

But Trump left a gray area for the rest of those in the U.S. illegally. He said that “no one will be immune or exempt from enforcement” and ruled out a path to citizenship or legal status unless they first leave the country. But he did not specify whether he expected these people to remain under the radar in the country, self-deport, or whether he would actively round them up for deportation. 

exempt :免除される
rule out:除外する・排除する
round them up:一斉検挙する

Does he support H-1B visas?
Trump has flip-flopped multiple times on H-1B visas, which are given to skilled workers, and he did not mention them in his new speech. On his website, Trump proposes raising the prevailing wage paid to H-1Bs and putting in a requirement for companies to hire American workers first. But in an October debate he seemed to soften his position, and when Fox moderator Megyn Kelly specifically asked him about it at a March debate, he acknowledged that his views were shifting. “I’m changing it, and I’m softening the position because we have to have talented people in this country,” he said. 


But after the debate, he reversed his position back to the original, releasing a statement that said, “Megyn Kelly asked about highly-skilled immigration. The H-1B program is neither high-skilled nor immigration: these are temporary foreign workers, imported from abroad, for the explicit purpose of substituting for American workers at lower pay. I remain totally committed to eliminating rampant, widespread H-1B abuse. … I will end forever the use of the H-1B as a cheap labor program, and institute an absolute requirement to hire American workers for every visa and immigration program. No exceptions.” Then, in a subsequent March debate, he admitted to using the H-1B program as an employer but still said the program should end. 


Trump’s stated position on his website remains the same, but mentioning the program during his new speech could have further clarified his position either way. With reporting by Zeke J. Miller



swingby_blog at 07:37コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 



Donald Trump meets Enrique Pena Nieto
Aug 31st 2016, 18:59 BY A.B. | MEXICO CITY


ONE week ago, the idea that the president of Mexico would share a dais with the Republican presidential nominee would have seemed absurd. And yet on August 31st Donald Trump, the scourge of Mexico, briefly visited the country to discuss bilateral relations with Enrique Pena Nieto—a man who back in March compared the American’s rhetoric to that of Hitler and Mussolini. 

share a dais with:演壇

After their hour-long meeting, both men were keen to talk up the closeness of the Mexican-American relationship, referring to the 6m American jobs that depend on trade with Mexico, the 40 cents of American-made product in every dollar of goods that Mexico exports there, and the one million daily border crossings. Some familiar themes were aired. Mr Trump reiterated his opposition to the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement for being “of far greater benefit to Mexico than to the United States”. Mr Pena, in a nod to Mr Trump’s plans to deport illegal immigrants, reiterated how the job of the Mexican president was to defend the interests of Mexicans “wherever they are”. In response to a question from a reporter, Mr Trump said the two had not discussed who would pay for his proposed border wall. Mr Pena later contradicted him, tweeting that he “had made it clear Mexico will not pay for the wall”. 

contradicted :否定する

The invitation to Mr Trump was delivered on August 26th (along with one to Hillary Clinton). Delighted, no doubt, by the chance to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with a world leader, Mr Trump accepted with alacrity. He asked to meet Mr Pena ahead of a big speech on immigration in Arizona the same day. The timing may not have suited Mr Pena, who is due to deliver his state-of-the-nation report on September 1st, but a meeting with Mr Trump seems to have been a diary-clearing event. 


The invitation proved hugely controversial in Mexico. What, many people wondered, did it take to be removed from their president’s guest list? Mr Trump, after all, has accused Mexicans of bringing drugs and crime into America and of being rapists. Opinions of the Republican nominee south of the Rio Grande vary from the poor to the awful. In June, just 2% of Mexicans said they wanted Mr Trump to be the next president; 74% were rooting for Mrs Clinton. Responses to his imminent arrival were widely vituperative. Margarita Zavala, one of the leading contenders for the presidential nomination of the opposition National Action Party in 2018, tweeted: “Although they have invited him, he should know that he is not welcome.” Another opposition party, the Party of the Democratic Revolution, questioned the rationale behind the meeting, saying it “only favours the political aspirations of this anti-Mexican demagogue”. 

do what it takes to: 〜するために必要なことをする

Given the depth of feeling towards Mr Trump, the invitation has baffled many. But Mr Pena’s approval rating is languishing at just 23%, the lowest of his term. On the domestic front he has problems with rising murder rates, recalcitrant teachers, a potential credit downgrade and another nasty human-rights abuse. His team may have dreamed up the invitation as a way of making him seem more statesmanlike through the gracious extension of an olive branch. He himself spoke of the importance of “dialogue”. 

extension of an olive branch to: 〜に対する和平[和議]の申し出

Mr Pena may also have decided that, despite the Republican candidate’s position in the polls, the time has come to prepare more seriously for his possible presidency. “This is a classic Mexican strategy to try to minimise potential harm,” says Duncan Wood, head of the Mexico Institute of the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington, DC. By opening a channel of communication at this stage, goes the theory, discussions become easier in the event of a Trump victory. (Mr Trump made a note of calling Mr Pena his “friend” afterwards.) In the same vein, the development of a relationship now could dampen some of the volatility that would be expected in the peso exchange rate should the NAFTA-bashing Mr Trump win. 

In the same vein:同じような調子で
volatility :不安定さ

The president’s performance after the meeting is unlikely to have won round Mexican doubters. He was as polished as ever, but in his failure to take Mr Trump more vigorously to task for some of his previous comments vis-a-vis Mexico—even to request an apology—he disappointed. Not for the first time, the Mexican administration stands accused of misunderstanding the way the people of the country think. The decision to speak to Mr Trump may be defended as a move that put Mexico’s relationship-building needs ahead of the president’s personal popularity. But the danger for Mr Pena is that by giving Mr Trump a platform from which to appear presidential, he increases the chances of a Republican victory in November. And that is something Mexico is desperate to avoid. 




swingby_blog at 09:47コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 



And yet clothing surfaces again and again in those religious texts, whether as a pitfall, an obligation or a symbol of the sublime. Both the Koran and the Hebrew scripures explain that the need for clothes in the ordinary sense arose only after a terrible act of wilfulness which left man estranged from God, suddenly conscious of a nakedness that needed to be covered up. After the disobedience of Adam and Eve, as the most famous English translation of the Bible has it, “the eyes of them both were opened, and they knew that they were naked; and they sewed fig leaves together, and made themselves aprons.” 


The Koran also implies that the drama and dilemma of our first ancestors’ disobedience recurs in every subsequent generation: “O Children of Adam, we have bestowed on you clothing to conceal your private parts and as an adornment. But the clothing of righteousness, that is best...Let not Satan tempt you as he removed your parents from Paradise, stripping them of their clothing to reveal their private parts.” 


The idea that attire is a gift from God, and that it should be tidy and discreet, is emphasised elsewhere in the Koran. People should dress neatly and cleanly when going to the mosque. As one translation puts it: “O children of Adam, put on your finery at every place of prayer...Who has forbidden God’s finery which He fashioned for his servants, or the good things He has provided?” Modesty is enjoined for both sexes: believers should “cast down their eyes and guard their private parts” and women in particular should “drape their bosoms with their veils” and not show their beauty except to close family members. That last verse has been interpreted as an instruction to women to cover their heads, although there are some Muslim women who disagree. Women who convert to Islam often note that there is something paradoxically liberating about dressing modestly, in a way consistent with one’s beliefs, rather than feeling compelled to impress society or attract men. 

finery:(特別な日のための)華美な装い[服飾品], 玉衣(たまぎぬ)
cast down:目を伏せる
drape :を覆う
paradoxically :逆説的に・矛盾して

In the Jewish and Christian tradition, it is often said that before their disobedience, Adam and Eve were robed not in ordinary clothing but in an all-embracing divine light. That in turn confers a special status on garments which indicate the restoration of that light. Brilliant white clothes, whether worn by a priest in the holiest part of the Jerusalem temple, or by an angel hovering over a river in Babylon, or by Jesus appearing to three followers in a blinding blaze, are a sign that this light is once again flowing unhindered. In the final pages of the Christian scriptures, the church awaiting God is compared to a bride “arrayed in fine linen, clean and white.” 

blinding blaze:目がくらむような炎

Other clothes and adornments, in the right ceremonial context, are mentioned approvingly. The high priest in ancient Jerusalem displayed 12 precious stones attached to a breast-plate which incorporated threads of gold, blue, purple, scarlet and pale linen. It must have been an impressive sight. King Solomon’s magnificent appearance is mentioned with approval. But the Bible has harsh things to say about tho who dress and groom themselves to make a worldly impression, like Jezebel who, in the final hour of her life, “painted her eyes, adorned her head and looked out of the window”. 

mentioned with approval:同意して・良しとして

At the heart of all theistic religions is the idea that the worship of, or excessive attachment to, anything or anyone other than God is something to be avoided: a sinful distraction at best, idolatry at worst. Applying that principle, it becomes easier to understand the apparent inconsistency of religious attitudes towards clothing. Apparel can either be an aid to worship or a foolish diversion from it. But surely the folly of “excessive attachment” applies not only to physical things but to rules. Getting hung up on what people should or shouln’t wear in particular places sounds like an unhelpful distraction. 

at best:よくても・せいぜい
hung up on:こだわる



swingby_blog at 06:34コメント(0)トラックバック(0) 



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