2017年11月20日

習近平とトランプは親しく見えるが、反米感情の動きが中国にある。 2つの偉大な権力が極めて異なった夢を持っている。

Xi and Trump look friendly, but anti-US feeling stirs in China
The two great powers have very different dreams
Nov 9th 2017 | BEIJING

習近平とトランプは親しく見えるが、反米感情の動きが中国にある。
2つの偉大な権力が極めて異なった夢を持っている。



CHINA’S leader, Xi Jinping, welcomed Donald Trump on the American president’s first visit to Beijing like a Chinese emperor receiving a barbarian potentate, with a mixture of flattery and disdain. The government closed to the public the 9,000-room Forbidden City—the vermilion-walled former imperial palace at the heart of Beijing—so the visitor could have his own tour and dinner there. The courtiers of the Communist Party have lost little of the ancient art of feigned deference. 

potentate:(絶対権限を持つ)統治者, 君主, 支配者; 権力者.
flattery:お世辞
disdain:軽蔑
vermilion:朱色の
courtiers:廷臣
art:技巧
feigned deference:見せかけの服従

The Chinese also bore gifts: trade deals worth over $200bn, covering everything from jet engines and car parts to shale gas. Most of the pledges were memoranda of understanding: expressions of intent, not enforceable contracts. Many concerned things the Chinese would have done anyway. Still, Mr Trump seemed pleased, as he also was by Mr Xi’s (reiterated) pledge to enforce UN resolutions on North Korea. 

bore:come bearing a gift 手土産を持ってやって来る
pledges:誓約
memoranda:mem・o・ran・dum 複-da  覚書契約(書)
intent:意図(したもの)
enforceable:実施[強制]できる.

The question is how long the summit’s bonhomie will last. Under Mr Xi, China has become more open in its challenge to American influence in Asia. The official media have turned more sharply critical of America’s political system. The problem has hardly reached the embassy-burning stage (angry crowds last surrounded the American embassy in Beijing in 1999, after NATO’s mistaken bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade). But there is a whiff of anti-Americanism in the air. 

bonhomie:陽気な親しみ, 気さくな親切さ.
whiff:兆候

Mr Trump claims that he and Mr Xi are close. The same can hardly be said of public attitudes towards each other’s countries. A study in 2016 by Zhang Kun and Zhang Mingxin of Huazhong University of Science and Technology found that America was far down the list of countries about which the Chinese express favourable opinions—below Germany, Britain, France, Canada, Australia and Russia. 

Things may have changed since then because views of Mr Trump are warmer in China than in most places. But opinions of America itself are unlikely to have improved much. A survey in the same year by the Pew Research Centre in Washington also found that only half of Chinese respondents were favourable to America—much less than the global median “favourability rating” for the United States of 64% then. 

American opinions of China are even cooler. Pew’s poll in 2017 found more Americans expressed negative views about China than positive. Such attitudes might not affect policy but they could make public dissatisfaction easy to ignite. 

Anecdotal evidence suggests there is plenty of flammable material. One of the most popular questions on Zhihu, a Chinese question-and-answer site, is “Is America preparing to dismantle China?” (the most popular answer, though, is that if China were to collapse, America would not be the main reason). It has been viewed 3m times since the start of 2016. 

anecdotal evidence:個人の見解に基づく(不確かな)証拠.
flammable:〈化学物質・気体などが〉可燃[引火]性の
dismantle:解体する

The phrase “American air is so sweet” has become a term of online abuse. It stems from a comment by a Chinese graduate of an American university who said that “when I took my first breath of American air, it was so sweet and fresh…I felt free.” The remark produced a torrent of criticism in China; she apologised and closed her online account. The term is now used as sarcastic criticism of all things American. 

a term of abuse:悪口
torrent:a torrent of criticism [tears] 批判の嵐[あふれ出す涙].
sarcastic:嫌味な, 皮肉な, 当てこすりの.

For many years, despite ups and downs in policy, China’s rulers stuck to a strategic view that the United States was essential to their country’s modernisation. China, they argued, needed American technology to upgrade its industries and American markets for its exports. That view has become far less strongly held as China’s economy shifts away from exports and towards home-grown innovation. In the past year, moreover, it has been overlain by a competing idea: that China’s global ambitions require a dose of anti-Americanism. 

overlain:òver・líe…の上に横たわる[寝る]; (添い寝をしていて)〈幼児〉の上に乗りかかって窒息死させる; (地層が)…の上にある.
high [low, lethal] doses of radiation:大量[少量, 致死量]の放射線照射

Bucking the norm
In a speech last month at a five-yearly party congress, Mr Xi made those ambitions even more apparent. He talked of moving China “closer to centre stage” and of the country’s “all-round efforts” to pursue “great-power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics”. It is not clear what these characteristics are, but it is a safe bet that they do not involve accepting global norms established by America. 

Bucking the norm:(アメリカの)基準に強く反対する

The United States has long proclaimed itself “the last, best hope of Earth” (to quote Lincoln). Now Chinese media are advancing similar claims about China’s system. In mid-October Xinhua, the main state-run news agency, made the case explicitly. In an article called “Enlightened Chinese democracy puts the West in the shade”, it said the Western kind was “doddering”. 

proclaimed:宣言する
put ~ in the shade:〜を日陰に置く
doddering:(高齢のため)よろよろ歩く(along); 震える, ぐらつく.

It argued that the Chinese system “leads to social unity” rather than the divisions which it said were an “unavoidable consequence” of Western democracy. The commentary forbore to name names, but state media often talk of Mr Trump’s America as a prime example of what Xinhua referred to as “the endless political backbiting, bickering and policy reversals which are the hallmarks of liberal democracy”. 

forbore:forbear  ≪…(すること)を≫ 差し控える
backbiting:中傷する
bickering:言い争う
reversals:逆転; 反転; 挫折

Xinhua’s description of democracy’s self-destructive tendencies echoes that of a book published in 1991 called “America Against America” by a professor at Fudan University, Wang Huning. But there are three important differences between China’s interaction with America today and the way it was then. One is that Mr Wang has just been elevated to the party’s most powerful body, the Politburo Standing Committee, where he is likely to be in charge of propaganda (that is, projecting the party’s image at home and the country’s abroad). Having in such a position an America-sceptic who actually studied there is unprecedented. 

elevate:George was elevated to an executive of the company. ジョージは会社の重役に昇進した.

Next, the government has started to export what it calls “the China model”. Deng Xiaoping once said China was not a model for anyone. At last month’s party gathering, Mr Xi talked about China “blazing a new trail for other developing countries” and offering “Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving problems” (his “Belt and Road Initiative” offers lots of cash, too). Orville Schell of the Asia Society in New York says this seems to set up a clash not just of civilisations and values, but of political and economic systems. 

blaze a [the] trail:先鞭を付ける, 先駆者となる.
clash:衝突 対立

Third, the anti-American strain now seems to run from the top of the Chinese state (Messrs Xi and Wang) to the bottom (Xinhua and internet trolls). That suggests such sentiment is gaining strength. Mr Xi may still prefer to exercise caution in his country’s rivalry with America. But he does not seem to have moderated his global ambitions because of Mr Trump. And it will take more than a dinner in the Forbidden City to wish those ambitions away. 

trolls:ネタ、荒らし、煽り◆インターネットの掲示板・チャット・メーリングリストなどで、単に多くの反応を得たいとか、場を荒らして面白がることを目的とするばかげた[議論の火種となる]投稿(をする人)◆【語源】投稿を釣りの餌に見立てて、人をだまして食い付くように誘う様子から。

習近平はトランプに対して敵の君主に対しての皇帝の対応をした。すなわち、それなりの2000億ドルのお土産をあげて、見せかけの対応をした。中国人はアメリカを好きになっていないし、政府も表向きの対応だけだ。中国の一帯一路の戦略も文明とその価値観ばかりでなく、政治的にも経済的にも衝突することになるだろう。

火曜日。ではまた明日。

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海野 恵一
1948年1月14日生

学歴:東京大学経済学部卒業

スウィングバイ株式会社
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アクセンチュア株式会社代表取締役(2001-2002)
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